La fonction tribunitienne et la députation créditiste à l'Assemblée Nationale du Québec: 1970–3

1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Hamel ◽  
Yvon Thériault
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Social Criticism ◽  
Specific Role ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Specific Function ◽  
Protective Function ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Criticism

The tribunicial function and the Créditiste group in the Quebec National Assembly, 1970–3An analysis of the attitudes and behaviour of the Créditiste group since its first appearance in Quebec's National Assembly (1970–3) has two interesting aspects. First, it clarifies the Créditiste phenomenon, supporting the conclusions arrived at in a study conducted by Vera Murray. This study held that the RCQ was distinguished by the exercise of a specific function, namely, the defence and representation of the interests of underprivileged social classes. This is a function which Georges Lavau has described as tribunicial. We intend to show that the Créditiste members, in spite of the internal splits in the party during the leadership of Camil Samson and Armand Bois, have clearly fulfilled a protective function on behalf of “proletarian social elements” in the political system.The election of Yvon Dupuis to head the party in February 1973 inaugurated the progressive abandonment of this specific role, which had characterized the RCQ until then on Quebec's political chessboard, in favour of the function of providing governmental alternatives. Second, this study enables us to clarify and to distinguish between certain points in regard to the tribunicial function and the function of providing alternatives, used by Georges Lavau. In our opinion, the case of the RCQ is a much purer illustration of the tribunicial function than is the case of the PCF.In brief, the essence of the tribunicial function is the use of social criticism – not political criticism – based on the defence of underprivileged classes and revolving around the detailed denunciation of the political establishment. The tribunicial function also displays very little interest in the discussion or elaboration of a program of wholesale reform.

The Role of the M.P. in Tanzania

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
New States ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The Military ◽  
National Legislatures

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.

Fascism or Illusionism of Capitalist Dominance in Brazil?

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Political Situation

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.

Where Venezuela Goes?

2010 ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Institutional Foundations

The article is an attempt to summarize the results of Hugo Chávez's ten year rule in Venezuela. There has been a comprehensive reorganization of the political system institutional foundations. The new constitution has been approved, which proclaimed the country a Bolivarian Republic in honor of the great Latin American liberation hero. The unicameral National Assembly has replaced the National Congress. The president can now be reelected without any restraints, his term of office has been prolonged from 5 to 6 years. Typical for the Chávez's course is the use of formally democratic mechanisms in order to ensure the authoritarian rule. Prosecution of opposition figures has become commonplace. The initially proclaimed intermediate political course has been dismissed, the new slogan is the construction of a “21st century socialism”.

scholarly journals Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Feltrin
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
Class Power

This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.

scholarly journals دراسة قانونية حول مشروع تعديل قانون الجنسية العراقية رقم(26) لسنة 2006

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 105-126
Author(s):  
هلو عبد الصمد
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Criticism ◽  
Legal Problems ◽  
Dual Nationality ◽  
A Priority ◽  
The Law ◽  
Nationality Law ◽  
Specific Country

Nationality is a legal, political and spiritual bond that binds individuals to states. It is the means that distributes individuals between countries. Through nationality, the component of people is determined in every country; ie people who hold the nationality of a specific country are considered its citizens. By contrast, those who do not hold the nationality of the same country are foreigners, even if they have permission to stay on its ground. In general, there are three laws enacted to regulate nationality in Iraq: The first of which was the Nationality Law No. 42 in 1924, which was legislated after the establishment of the Iraqi state. However, this law was repealed and replaced by the Iraqi Nationality Law No. 43 in 1963. The latter sparked widespread controversy, especially after the change of the political system in Iraq, including the amendments made to it by the dissolved Revolutionary Command Council. Therefore, changing this law was a priority for the Iraqi parliament after the fall of the previous Iraqi regime in 2003. Indeed, this law and all decisions related to it were formally repealed by the Iraqi parliament in 2006 and replaced by the new Iraqi Nationality Law No. 26 in 2006. However, this law contains many legal and political criticism, especially regarding dual nationality. In addition, the law contains some other controversial cases regarding imposing original nationality and granting nationality through Iraqi mother and other legal disputes related to the recovery of a lost nationality and many other legal problems. Therefore, the Iraqi legislator has prepared a draft to amend the current Iraqi nationality law. In this study, we will highlight the most important points included in this project. We will also indicate the extent to which this project respond to the requirements ofsociety. Finally, we will address the legal problems surrounding the current Iraqi Nationality Law.

scholarly journals Przesłanki rozwiązania parlamentu w praktyce ustrojowej V Republiki Francuskiej

2018 ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz Jakubiak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Lower Chamber ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Configuration

The paper discusses the grounds required for the dissolution of the parliament in the political practice of the French Fifth Republic. The Constitution of October 4, 1958 adopted a model of strengthened political power of the head of state, granting them instruments of executive influence on the functioning of other state organs. Paragraph 12 of the Constitution gives the President practically unlimited power to dissolve the National Assembly – the lower chamber of French parliament. The conditions for applying this paragraph are not stipulated in the legal regulations. It is not necessary for the President to respond to a motion of another body, or even to obtain a countersignature. These constitutional factors have led to various political practices. The author of the paper puts forward the thesis that giving freedom to the head of state as regards the application of paragraph 12 on the one hand provides the necessary foundations to exercise a power model with a considerable degree of decisiveness, but on the other may lead to a situation where the dissolution of the National Assembly no longer has a power function in its conventional sense, but serves the purpose of providing the head of state with an instrument for considerably strengthening his own political position. Since the present Constitution of the Fifth Republic has been in force, the National Assembly has been dissolved five times. The author identifies three basic grounds for applying paragraph 12: to defuse a political or social conflict (1962 and 1968), to restore a politically homogenous executive power (1981 and 1988), and to maintain a given political configuration (1997). Since the 1980s the dissolution of parliament has become a tool for the president to avoid cohabitation and, by this token, to provide a political system where the role of the leader of the executive is in the hands of the head of state. On account of the defeat of the formation supporting the president in 1997 this strategy failed to produce the expected outcome. The dissolution of the National Assembly has not taken place since. In 2000, the length of the mandate of the head of state was shortened to five years, which makes it more likely for parliamentary elections to occur directly after presidential elections. This may for a long time to come eliminate the main grounds for the dissolution of the lower chamber, which in the 1980s and 1990s stemmed from the desire to ensure a political system favorable for the head of state. This reason alone may mean that the significance of paragraph 12 in the political practice of the Fifth Republic will continue to be limited.

scholarly journals Funkcje prawa karnego w autorytarnym systemie sprawowania władzy

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-199
Author(s):  
Jacek Giezek
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Protective Function ◽  
Application Of Law ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Law

For the sake of its functions, criminal law is widely perceived as an ideal instrument for diagnosing the political system of a country and the regime it is supposed to safeguard. It is the regime that determines certain features of criminal law, influencing its frames and the understanding of its two most basic — protective and guarantee — functions. By analysing the way in which those functions are performed — on the level of constitution as well as application of the law — we are able to determine whether we live in a democratic system or in some form of authoritarian, or even totalitarian regime. If criminal law is used as an instrument supporting an authoritarian regime, the significance of its guarantee function decreases, whereas the significance of the (specifically understood) protective function increases. The judge, who is the subject applying the criminal-legal tools, has a particularly important role to play. A competent and, most importantly, independent judge can make a good use of a faulty law as long as it allows some judicial freedom. Similarly, if the application of law is left to an incompetent judge, particularly one who is ready to compromise their judicial mission, the existence of a good law does not guarantee a fair ruling. Therefore, the analysis of criminal law we are confronted with allows a diagnosis of a political system of a country as democratic or authoritarian, as long as it covers not only the law on the books, but also how substantive and procedural law is used in practice.

Effect of the political system on perinatal and neonatal care in Berlin between 1950 and 2010

2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Neonatal Care ◽  
The Political

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

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