Trade unions and the political parties, elections and Referendums act (2000) in the 2001 general election: Tentative third parties and trammelled officers

2002 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Ludlam ◽  
Andrew J. Taylor ◽  
Paul Allender
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political

scholarly journals La renta básica universal y los Programas Electorales 2016 de los Partidos Políticos

2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Social Equality

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.

scholarly journals Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)

2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Presidential Nomination ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Democratic Country

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.

The Politics of Trade Union Formation in the Java Sugar Industry, 1945–1949

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Brown
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Sugar Industry ◽  
The Political ◽  
Union Formation ◽  
Sugar Production ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Revolution

Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.

Big Business and the Kapp Putsch

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Big Business ◽  
Government Bureaucracy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Strike

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.

Understanding audience affiliation in response to political speeches in Japan

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Feldman ◽  
Peter Bull
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Response Rate ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Rhetorical Devices ◽  
Lower House ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
Prime Function

Affiliative response invitations were analysed in 38 speeches delivered during the 2009 Japanese general election by 18 candidates for the House of Representatives (the lower house of the National Diet of Japan). The results clearly replicated those reported by Bull and Feldman (2011) in their analysis of the 2005 Japanese general election. Highly significant correlations were found between the two studies not only for the overall pattern of affiliative responses, but also for each type of response (applause, laughter and cheering). In both studies, over 70% of affiliative responses occurred in response to explicit invitations from the speaker. This contrasts with British political meetings, where applause occurs principally in response to implicit rhetorical devices. However, the candidates’ electoral success showed no significant correlations either with overall affiliative response rate, or with rates for applause, laughter or cheering. It is proposed that the prime function of affiliative response invitations at these meetings is not so much to win votes as to give the audience the opportunity to express their support both for the candidates and for the political parties they represent.

scholarly journals Politics and Political Participation of “Grass-Roots” in General Election 2019, Bandar Selamat Regency, Medan, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rehia K. Isabella Barus ◽  
Armansyah Matondang ◽  
Nina Angelia ◽  
Beby Masitho Batubara
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Two Stages

Ahead of the 2019 general election which is divided into two stages, namely the Legislative election and the Presidential election. This event is the right moment to find out the political participation of the people at the grass-roots level while at the same time seeing the interaction between the people in the grass-roots and political parties. The interaction that wants to be seen is what forms of political behavior and community participation at the grassroots, as well as how political parties behave in interacting with this community. Then the important point that is also seen is how political parties behave in involving and seeking to raise support from the community. In the end, through this research, it will be known the quality of political participation from the public and electoral political parties in 2019.

scholarly journals Mass Revolution and End of the Cultural Institution in Nepal

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Apar Kumar Lamsal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Institution ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Professional Employees ◽  
General Mass

From 6th April to 24th April of 2006, parliamentary political parties along with the ten years long strafing underground Nepal Communist Party (Maoists) stage a mass revolution against the Royal takeover of 2002 AD for the establishment of republican state. This mass movement gained much impetus then trailed by various organizations, trade unions, students, professional employees and the general mass throughout the kingdom of Nepal. Ultimately, the age-long monarchical institution was finished from the political and cultural scenario of Nepal. This article outlines the main events and outcomes of this revolution and analyzes it. This article is based on secondary sources along with event observation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v1i2.9882 Researcher 1(2) 2013: 11-22

The Troubled Partnership: Trade Unions and Working-class Parties in Italy, 1948-78

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Paolo Farneti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Market

The problem of ‘tutelage’ of trade unions by political parties in italy must be seen against a background of: the structural conditions of the labour market (where trade unions are active) and those of the ‘political market’ (where parties are active) as masses for manoeuvre used to attain certain aims; the characteristics of the leadership of the trade unions and those of the political parties; the ‘styles of leadership’ (including the conduct of conflict) by trade union and party leaders.

Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Age Category

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.

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