The ‘Gallic Menace‘ in Caesar's Propaganda

1983 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-189
Author(s):  
Jane F. Gardner

Between the ‘home’ territory of the Roman people in the Italian peninsula and the tribes of Gaul and Germany lay two provinces – Cisalpine Gaul, most of whose population were actually already Roman citizens or in possession of Latin rights, and Transalpine Gaul, a province only since 121 B.C., but already in Caesar's time displaying a developed urban civilization based on the Greek model, under the influence of Massilia. By the end of the first century B.C. well-to-do Romans considered the schools of Massilia an acceptable alternative to those of Athens for their sons' higher studies (Strabo 4.1.5). On the fringes of the Province, however, and beyond in Gaul proper were the ‘long-haired’ Gauls (hence Gallia Comata) and beyond them the German tribes. Only occasionally had these presented any real and immediate threat to the security of the Italian peninsula. Nevertheless, they were present in Roman consciousness as a kind of bogeymen. In 44 B.C., the founding charter of Urso, a Julian colony in southern Spain, included a provision that certain minor public officials should be exempt from military service except tumultus Italici Gallicive causa (ILS 6087). Events of this nature were hardly likely to necessitate conscription in southern Spain, but this clause was clearly taken over from the standard charter of an Italian municipality, where these were seen as possible emergencies.

Author(s):  
Daniel Stedman Jones

This concluding chapter reviews how neoliberalism transformed British, American, and global politics. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the triumph of the free market was almost universally accepted by mainstream politicians, public officials, and civil servants. More importantly, the distinctive neoliberal brand of free market individualism had prevailed over alternative forms of managed market-based capitalism. Transatlantic neoliberal politics successfully transformed the commonsense assumptions of policymakers in Great Britain and the United States when confronted with social and economic problems, especially in the years after Margaret Thatcher left office. Value for money is effectively delivered through the discipline of the market to satisfy consumer wants. An equilibrium is achieved through the price mechanism, guiding the activities of disparate sellers and producers.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Susan Treggiari

First-century BC Rome controlled the Mediterranean. This empire was achieved by a militaristic citizen body and an honour-seeking ruling class. A succession of offices qualified a man to sit in the Senate, govern territories, command armies. A politician sought status conferred by the electorate. Magistrates formed the executive in Rome and in the provinces. The Senate acted as an advisory council and a pool of executives. The Roman People, the citizen body, was theoretically sovereign. Men voted in elections and on bills. Women were citizens, though they could not vote or stand for office or serve in the army. In private law, paternal power was important. Marriages between two citizens were intended for the production of children and founded on consent. An upper-class woman would hold her own property, could inherit, and divorce, and remarry. As a group, upper-class women were visible. Like men, they sought reputation.


Author(s):  
Espinosa Manuel José Cepeda ◽  
Landau David

This chapter considers the Court’s jurisprudence on the freedom of speech and religion. The Court’s work on the freedom of speech examines familiar conflicts—such as between speech and public order, or speech and the privacy of reputation of others—but in an unfamiliar context where the Court has often had to contend with the implications of the country’s internal armed conflict. Thus, for example, the Court has had to weigh the damage that might be done by publishing the statements of illegal armed groups and the effect of statements linking public officials with those groups. The Court’s jurisprudence on freedom of religion had sought to recognize plurality in a climate where Catholicism has historically dominated public and private life. This chapter considers both the Court’s jurisprudence striking down core provisions of the Concordat treaty with Rome, and its recognition of the right of conscientious objection from military service.


2001 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 50-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neville Morley

For a study of social and economic questions an assessment of population is indispensable. It must make a difference to our picture of the agrarian troubles that vexed the late Republic, whether we take Italy to have been densely or thinly settled.Although debate continues on the causes, chronology, and extent of the ‘second-century crisis’ in Italy, a consensus has developed on its main symptom: the free peasantry, numbers already depleted by the burdens of military service, was displaced from the land by imported slaves and so continued to decline, a development which contributed significantly to the troubles of the succeeding century. Underpinning this consensus is widespread acceptance of what might be called the ‘Beloch-Brunt’ model of the demographic history of Italy in this period. This model suggests that between the late third century (Polybius' account of the numbers of Romans and Italians under arms in 225 B.C. permits an estimate of the total population) and the late first century (Augustus' first census of Roman citizens in 28 B.C., the first truly reliable one since the enfranchisement of the Italians) the free population had declined from about four and a half million people to about four million.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 13-20

The fundamental principle on which the religion of the Romans used to be interpreted was the idea that the Romans were an unusually conservative society. In some respects, this is perfectly true: we can for instance show that some of the rituals that were still being practised regularly in the first century BC, and even later than that, were already in place in the sixth century BC; again we know from later Roman orators such as Cicero that they placed a great emphasis on the ancestral customs and ways of the Roman people (the mos maiorum) and it is a reasonable guess that this was not a new idea in Cicero’s day but a long-cherished attitude; again, it is quite clear that the Romans placed a great deal of emphasis on getting their rituals precisely right in every detail, so that the slightest error invalidated the whole ceremony of which it formed part. If so, and if they did this year after year, there should have been no change at all. How could conservatism be taken further?


1990 ◽  
Vol 122 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Jackson

When Muslim forces under the Ghurid sultan, Mu'izz al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Sām, made their first major breakthrough into Hindūstān in the 1190s, they brought with them two institutions that had long since taken root in the Islamic world. One was the iqṭā' or assignment of land or its revenue, in some cases in return for military service (sometimes misrepresented as “fief” on the Western European model). The other was the mamlūk, or military slave. Mamlūk status, it should be stressed, bore none of the degrading connotations associated with other types of slavery: mamlūks – generally Turks from the Eurasian steppelands – were highly prized by their masters, receiving both instruction in the Islamic faith and a rigorous training in the martial arts, and were not employed in any menial capacity. The mamlūk institution, whose origins go back to the first century of Islam, came into vogue from the first half of the third/ninth century, as the ‘Abbasid Caliphs built up a corps of Turkish mamlūk guards and their example was followed, with the disintegration of their empire, by the various autonomous dynasties that sprang up in the provinces. Turkish slave officers themselves went on to found dynasties, as in the case of the Tulunids and the Ikhshidids in Egypt and the Ghaznawids in the eastern Iranian world. The institution surely entered upon its heyday in the seventh/thirteenth century, with the military coup of 648/1250 in Cairo: a group of mamlūk officers overthrew the last Ayyubid sultan of Egypt and inaugurated a regime in which slave status was the essential qualification for high military and administrative office.


1991 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Erskine

The origins of the well-known hatred for the nomen regis at Rome are in this way explained by Cicero in the De Republica, written in the late 50s b.c. Tarquinius Superbus, Rome's last king, so traumatised the Roman people that the term rex still had a potent effect almost five hundred years after his downfall. Many modern scholars would accept that the Roman hatred of kings was deep-rooted and intense, and it is often called upon to explain Roman behaviour. This approach finds clear expression in the latest edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, where one scholar in his discussion of the overthrow of Tarquinius writes: ‘Forever after the Romans hated the very idea of a king’. Yet an examination of Latin writings from the Republican period, rather than confirming this, reveals much that is at odds with this interpretation of the Roman attitude towards kings and the concept of kingship. Surprisingly, even their own kings are generally treated favourably. While there is no doubt that there was hostility to kings in the first century b.c., it is necessary to reconsider its origins and nature. I wish to argue that it was neither as long-standing nor as intense as is traditionally assumed. Its origins should be sought not in the distant obscurity of the last years of the regal period, but in Rome's encounters with the hellenistic kings of the East in the second century b.c.


1982 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimas Fernández-Galiano

SummaryRecent discoveries of pebble mosaics in various settlements in southern Spain from the seventh to the fourth centuries B.C. reveal an early tradition in floor-making. These discoveries have thrown new light on the origins of the most commonly used floors in Roman times, opus signinum and opus tessellatum. The first technique, thought to be Italian in origin, was probably developed in Italy from previous experiments in other Mediterranean sites which were of Punic origin. The origin of tessellated floors has been widely discussed and, although they were being produced on a large scale in Italy towards the first century A.D., we can assume that there existed a long experimental stage prior to the Roman period in which two general types of mosaic floors were developed—those with a uniform surface and those formed with small elements.


1950 ◽  
Vol 19 (57) ◽  
pp. 123-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. S. Forster

In view of the interest of Columella's De Re Rustica it is strange that it is not better known. Indeed, it is difficult to secure a text of it, since the last complete edition was published in the eighteenth century and the nearest approach to an English edition is a short selection from his works published in Dublin in 1732.As to the man himself our knowledge is derived almost wholly from his own writings. His full name was Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella. He was a contemporary and friend of Seneca, who lived from 4 b.c. to A.D. 65 and, like Columella, was a native of Spain, and of Seneca's brother Gallio, proconsul of Achaea, who figures in the Acts of the Apostles (xviii. 12) as ‘caring for none of these things’, and also died in A.D. 65. The elder Pliny (A.D. 23–79) quotes freely from Columella. Without going into further detail, I think we may say that the De Re Rustica was probably published in the sixties of the first century A.D.Columella was born and spent his early years at or near the town of Gades, the modern Cadiz, in the south-west corner of Spain. He does not mention his parents but often speaks of his uncle Marcus, who was also a keen agriculturist and lived in the Spanish province of Baetica in which Gades was situated. Possibly Columella lived with his uncle during his early years. At some period of his life he found himself on military service at Tarentum, where an inscription has been discovered which describes him as a military tribune of the Sexta Legio Ferrata, which is known to have been recruited at Gades.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Elisheva Rosman-Stollman

Women have long served in the Israel Defense Forces, notwithstanding strong opposition by the Chief Rabbinate. In the twenty-first century, approximately 25 percent of female graduates of Israel’s religious high school system enlist, despite social disapproval. Israel’s Orthodox community has largely ignored the issue in the past. Recently, however, rabbis and public figures within the religious community have acknowledged the reality of women’s conscription and have shown some willingness to address it. Although religious female soldiers are still atypical, they are no longer viewed as the anathema they once were. This article presents a possible model for this legitimation as a social process. It then describes the relationship between religious women, military service, and conscription in Israel, concluding with a suggestion about broader contexts within which this change can be viewed.


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