scholarly journals LIBERALISM, LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORM, AND POLITICAL EDUCATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND BRITISH INDIA, 1880–1886

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN WEINSTEIN
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Education ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
British India ◽  
The Government

AbstractThis article attempts to shed new light on the character of late Victorian Liberalism by investigating its political priorities in British India. It takes as its particular focus the debates which raged between 1881 and 1883 over the Government of India Resolution on Local Self-Government. Along with the Ilbert Bill, the Resolution comprised the centrepiece of the marquis of Ripon's self-consciously Liberal programme for dismantling Lytton's Raj. When analysed in conjunction with contemporaneous Liberal discourse on English local government reform, the debates surrounding the Resolution help to clarify many of the central principles of late Victorian Liberalism. In particular, these debates emphasize the profound importance of local government reform to what one might call the Liberal project. Beyond its utility in effecting retrenchment, efficiency, and ‘sound finance’, local government reform was valued by Liberals as the best and safest means of effecting ‘political education’ among populations, in both Britain and India, with increasingly strong claims to inclusion within the body politic.

Trolls Just Want To Have Fun

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Government

Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several Western liberal democracies owing to a distinct lack of opportunities for citizen participation in political processes; and has instead given way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices. The rise of the Internet as a global communications medium and the advent of digital platforms has opened up huge opportunities and raised new challenges for public institutions and agencies, with digital technology creating new forms of community; empowering citizens and reforming existing power structures in a way that has rendered obsolete or inappropriate many of the tools and processes of traditional democratic politics. Through an analysis of the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this article seeks to engage with issues related to the innovative use of network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes within existing democratic frameworks in order to improve administration, to reform democratic processes, and to renew citizen trust in institutions of governance. In particular, the work seeks to examine whether the application of the new Information and Communication Technologies to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era would eventually lead to radical transformations in government functioning, policymaking, and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based, obsessive-compulsive pathologies and Internet-based trolling behaviours amongst individuals in society.

The Whole-of-Nation Approach

2021 ◽  
pp. 291-309
Author(s):  
Abdul Malik Omar
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Small Population ◽  
The Body ◽  
Policy Recommendations ◽  
Brunei Darussalam ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal And Informal Sectors

Microstates face innumerable challenges in braving the 21st century. Limited resources, a small geography, and a small population are just some of the constraints faced. None is more so pressing that the case of Brunei Darussalam, where its heavy reliance on Oil and Gas may have afforded it economic prosperity and political stability since its independence in 1984, but the changes in market structure and global forces have resulted in it facing serious issues, such as its increasing unemployment rate. The Government of Brunei have taken steed in the advice of Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah to unify the body politic through the “Whole-of-Nation” approach and bring about the harmonious constellation of state actors and non-actors, from both the formal and informal sectors, to realizing the country's ambitious Wawasan 2035 and to adapt to the 4th Industrial Revolution. This work will unpack whether the Government has been successful in its efforts to do so. Policy recommendations will also be presented.

The Cost of Local Government Structural Reorganisation in Great Britain during the 1990s

10.1068/c0063 ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Chisholm
Keyword(s):  
Structural Change ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Transition Costs ◽  
Ex Post ◽  
Ex Ante ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Official Data

When the structure of local government in Great Britain was reorganised during the 1990s, considerable emphasis was placed by the government on the financial savings which would accrue to offset the costs incurred in making the changes. Previous work examined these expectations and found clear evidence that the ex ante estimates of transition costs given to the Westminster parliament were serious underestimates, and that the expected savings had not, at that time, materialised. This work was done at a time when it was known that some of the official data on transition costs would not be complete until after the close of the 2000/01 financial year. The author's primary purpose is to place on record what may be regarded as the final estimates of the transition costs in England, Scotland, and Wales. In addition, comparisons between the ex ante estimates of the costs of structural change and the ex post evidence concerning actual costs are updated. The discrepancy between these is such as to confirm the need for some form of independent scrutiny of new legislation at the time when it is being considered in parliament, to ensure that decisions are taken in the light of realistic assessments of the costs and benefits of proposed enactments.

‘The Government is the One Who Caused Cholera’: State Transformation and the Politics of Public Health During Zimbabwe’s Crisis

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simukai Chigudu
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
Cholera Outbreak ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Economic

Zimbabwe’s cholera epidemic of 2008/09 is almost unrivalled, in scale and lethality, in the modern history of the disease. The disease infected nearly 100,000 people, claiming over 4000 lives over a ten-month period. This chapter examines the political and economic origins of the outbreak and analyses some of the meanings, memories, and narratives that the outbreak has left in civic life. It makes three key arguments. First, it contends that the origins, scale, and impact of the cholera outbreak were overdetermined by a multilevel failure of Zimbabwe’s public health system, itself a consequence of the country’s post-2000 political conflicts and economic crisis. Second, by recounting stories of the relentless suffering and dispossession that accompanied the cholera outbreak the chapter reveals how the disease mapped onto and exacerbated the contours of abandonment, abjection, and exclusion within Zimbabwean society. Third, the chapter ultimately argues that cholera emerged from prolonged and multiscalar political-economic processes for which no short-term or easy solutions are available. While the outbreak aroused public anger and outrage at the government for its causal role in the epidemic and the inadequacy of its relief efforts, this anger did not translate into any effective political mobilization or permanent change. Thus, the politics of cholera, in its making and aftermath, show the grim and profound consequences of state transformation for public health and for notions of belonging in the body politic.

Consulting the British Public in the Digital Age

2015 ◽  
pp. 1763-1788
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Digital Network ◽  
The Government

Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several liberal democracies; giving way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices, and rendering obsolete or inappropriate much of traditional democratic politics. Simultaneously, digital technologies have opened up huge opportunities and raised new challenges for public institutions and agencies. Through an analysis of the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this chapter will engage with issues related to the innovative use of digital network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes within existing democratic frameworks. The work examines whether the application of new digital platforms to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era leads eventually to radical transformations in government functioning and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based pathologies and addictive behaviours amongst individuals in society.

The Changing Face of Electronic Aggression

2019 ◽  
pp. 414-434
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Obsessive Compulsive ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Digital Network ◽  
The Government

Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several liberal democracies, giving way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices; rendering obsolete or inappropriate much of traditional democratic politics. Simultaneously, digital technologies have created huge opportunities for public bodies and agencies. In analysing the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this chapter engages with issues related to the innovative use of digital network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes and to buffer national security within existing democratic frameworks. The work examines whether the application of new digital platforms to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era leads eventually to radical transformations in government functioning and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based obsessive-compulsive pathologies and trolling behaviours amongst individuals in society.

Trolls Just Want to Have Fun

2017 ◽  
pp. 111-162
Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
The Body ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Obsessive Compulsive ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Digital Network ◽  
The Government

Over the last two decades, public confidence and trust in Government has declined visibly in several liberal democracies, giving way instead to disillusionment with current political institutions, actors, and practices; rendering obsolete or inappropriate much of traditional democratic politics. Simultaneously, digital technologies have created huge opportunities for public bodies and agencies. In analysing the No. 10 Downing Street ePetitions Initiative based in the United Kingdom, this chapter engages with issues related to the innovative use of digital network technology by Government to involve citizens in policy processes and to buffer national security within existing democratic frameworks. The work examines whether the application of new digital platforms to participatory democracy in the Government 2.0 era leads eventually to radical transformations in government functioning and the body politic, or merely to modest, unspectacular political reform and to the emergence of technology-based obsessive-compulsive pathologies and trolling behaviours amongst individuals in society.

Political Trust and Racial Ideology

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 1199-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel D. Aberbach ◽  
Jack L. Walker
Keyword(s):  
Due Process ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Obligation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Voluntary Consent ◽  
The Government

No government yet established has had the loyalty and trust of all its citizens. Regardless of the popularity of its leaders or how careful they are in soliciting opinions and encouraging participation in the process of policy-making, there are always those who see inequalities and injustices in the society and harbor suspicions of the government's motives and intentions. Resentment and distrust are elements of disaffection and the first step toward resistance. Therefore, even the most dictatorial governments have usually striven to increase their credibility and popularity. For democratic governments, however, the problem of combating distrust and encouraging voluntary acceptance of its institutions and decisions is a paramount concern. One of democratic theory's distinctive characteristics is its strong emphasis on voluntary consent, both as a basis of political obligation and as a central attribute of citizenship. The concern expressed by democratic thinkers about the elements of due process and the protection of opportunities for widespread participation is directed toward the creation of citizens who voluntarily accept the society's goals; “the demand for consent is the demand that the government must be more than self-appointed and must, in some significant way, be the chosen instrument through which the body politic and community acts ….”Democracy's guiding ideal is the substitution of mutual understanding and agreement for coerciveness and arbitrary authority in all phases of social and political life. The existence of distrustful citizens who are convinced that the government serves the interests of a few rather than the interests of all is a barrier to the realization of the democratic ideal.

scholarly journals GOOD LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN VIETNAM – BASED ON THE VIETNAM PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION PERFORMANCE INDEX IN RECENT YEARS

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (5) ◽  
pp. 73-88
Author(s):  
Nguyen Trong Binh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Performance Index ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Positive Influence ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
Governance Theory ◽  
The Government

Currently, public governance theory and "good governance" have a profound and positive influence on the government reform process in many countries around the world today. In essence, good governance is the set of principles and criteria on social management to maximize public interests as well as promote and ensure the harmonious and sustainable development of a country. It can be said that good governance is both the ideal state and the goal that government reform in countries is aiming for, and the guiding principles for the design and operation of the state apparatus, government or system. In recent years, reform of government as well as reform of local government, according to good governance theory in Vietnam, has achieved many outstanding results. This is evident in the improvement in the indicators of provincial governance and public administration (Provincial Governance and Public Administration Performance Index (hereinafter referred to as PAPI)) in Vietnam over the years. Based on the survey results of PAPI in recent years, the article analyzes the good governance level of the local government of Vietnam, offers comments and assessments and proposes solutions on how to increase and strengthen the reform of local government in Vietnam according to good governance theory.

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