PARLIAMENT AND THE CROWN JEWELS IN THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION, 1641–1644

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-835
Author(s):  
JACK DAVID SARGEANT

AbstractThis article argues that parliamentary debates over the access to and control of the crown jewels from 1641 to 1644 were intrinsic to the emergence and proliferation of revolutionary ideas about political sovereignty in the earliest stages of the English Civil Wars. In combining the methodologies of parliamentary history with theoretical scholarship on the material foundations of power, it demonstrates that shifting attitudes toward the royal regalia were indicative of more general developments in parliamentary thinking on the origins and limits of monarchical authority. In so doing, it contributes to recent scholarship on the problem of ‘ideological escalation’ at Westminster, demonstrating how quickly an initially radical proposal for access to the crown jewels became sufficiently popular in the House of Commons to authorize the melting down of the royal regalia only a year later. By emphasizing the centrality of the crown jewels to ongoing debates over the ‘ancient constitution’, it suggests that their destruction was understood as a step towards the abolition of monarchy per se.

Author(s):  
Jason Peacey

This essay examines how England’s medieval parliamentary history – from Henry III to Henry IV – was deployed for polemical purposes in the months surrounding the outbreak of the Civil Wars. In particular, the aim is to both acknowledge and move beyond the ‘baronial context’ of the English Civil Wars, in which reflections on medieval history were used to justify a form of ‘parliamentarian’ rhetoric that afforded the peerage a decisive role. By examining a range of neglected popular pamphlets that appeared in print during the months leading up to conflict, the essay demonstrates instead how evidence relating to the fourteenth century began to be used to reflect on parliamentary power and on the House of Commons, and to discuss the possibility of deposing and executing ‘unprofitable’ kings and of electing and binding their successors. Attention is drawn to an important shift in parliamentarian rhetoric regarding the king and parliament. It is argued that the treatment of medieval parliaments reveals incipient political radicalism in the opening weeks and months of the Civil Wars.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland F. Speklé ◽  
Hilco J. van Elten ◽  
Sally K. Widener

ABSTRACT Both control and creativity are important drivers of organizational success (Gilson, Mathieu, Shalley, and Ruddy 2005; Hirst, van Knippenberg, Chen, and Sacramento 2011). However, they are often regarded as conflicting. We use the Levers of Control (LoC) framework to examine the relationships between a system of controls, empowerment, and creativity. Using survey data from 233 business unit managers, a structural equation model shows that the intensity of use of a LoC system of controls is positively associated with both empowerment and creativity. This suggests that the LoC system provides an environment that is rich with information and motivates employees to take action in purposeful, directed ways. This environment facilitates employees' perception that they have the ability to take actions, make decisions, and produce novel ideas. We conclude that there is not a conflict between control and creativity per se. Rather, paradoxically, creativity can flourish in the presence of control.


Author(s):  
Elliot Vernon

This chapter is concerned with English Presbyterians and Presbyterianism during the Civil Wars and the Interregnum. It traces the emergence of an English Presbyterian position from the Puritan and nonconformist networks of the 1630s to the opening of the Westminster Assembly in 1643. The Westminster Assembly and the influence of the Scottish Covenanters are explored in the emergence of the Assembly’s Presbyterian platform. The chapter looks at the ‘Erastian’ controversy with the Long Parliament over the power of parochial presbyteries to suspend and excommunicate the sinful and ignorant from the Lord’s Supper. The issue of toleration and the Presbyterians’ opposition to the Long Parliament granting a wide liberty of conscience is also discussed. The chapter concludes by looking at how English Presbyterians fared under the Cromwellian Protectorate and their journey towards Dissent in the early Restoration.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106-148
Author(s):  
Gunnel Cederlöf

Chapter three elaborates the general legal debates in Britain and the British Empire, and specific and different positions through which property and land rights were argued over in the Nilgiris. Such debates came to have significant consequences for land law as it was applied in British India and shows the central position of property in the global expansion of the British Empire. The chapter distinguishes two contradictions that were common in the various colonial investigations, reports, and parliamentary debates. One concerns rights in land and resources where there were different positions about whether to privilege the immemorial rights of dwelling on and owning land, or the absolute rights of a sovereign ruler. The other debate that caused conflict related to the utility of nature and targeted specifically the use of nature for pastoralism or for settled cultivation. The chapter shows how both debates had crucial consequences for the codification of legal rights in land. It enquires into how the right of the Toda to own land was questioned and, over time and with the increasing involvement of European capital and control of the Nilgiri Hills, such ‘rights’ turned into the much weaker ‘privilege’. In the process of codifying in written law people’s rights to access and use nature, different communities of people were identified in relation to particular landscapes and their rights were determined by their perceived historical relationship to the land.


Author(s):  
Emma Crewe ◽  
Paul Evans

This chapter examines the significance of rituals in the UK Parliament, focusing on the centrality of rules in such rituals, how parliamentary debates are ritualized, and how ceremonies order relationships between different groups in our political world. It first explains the purpose of parliamentary rituals and how they are regulated, showing that the value attached to the way Parliament ritualizes its interaction is strongly contested between Members of Parliament (MPs) and by outside commentators. In particular, it considers Standing Orders, rules made by either the House of Commons or the House of Lords to set out the way certain aspects of House procedures operate. The chapter also discusses how rituals result in conflict and conciliation and as markers of power, hierarchy, and identity in Parliament.


1964 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. B. Hainsworth

Tacitus' Historiae begin in the middle of a series of civil wars: initium mihi operis Servius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules erunt. This point of time leaves the revolts of Vindex and Galba behind and the revolts of Otho and Vitellius just about to begin. Such a plunge in medias res, more suitable for the novelist than the historian, was at one time sharply criticized. It would have been more logical, it was argued, to begin with the proclamation of Galba at the beginning of April A.d. 68, with the death of Nero on 9 June following, or with the death of Galba himself on 15 January A.d. 69. These points, or others even earlier or later, are better ‘natural breaks’ in the story, and consequently more satisfactory from the literary point of view than the arbitrary breaks of the calendar. On behalf of Tacitus it was maintained that in Roman historiography the annalistic method had the force of law (but what then of the starting-point of the Annales—ab excessu divi Augusti?), or that Tacitus took up the tale where some other historian, Cluvius Rufus perhaps or Fabius Rusticus, had left off (why then the long introduction extending to ch. II? Xenophon, for example, felt no such need for the Hellenica). Tacitus himself does not attempt to justify his choice of starting-point. In fact the use of the future tense (erunt) may be thought to imply that the matter is scarcely worth discussing at all. That was likely, I think, to have been Tacitus' hope and intention. If it was so, it has been realized in the most recent scholarship, which, having failed to make out a conclusive case for or against any other date, has fallen back on the belief that 1 January A.d. 69 was, faute de mieux, inevitable.


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 795-824 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark A. Kishlansky

The English Revolution began in the summer of 1647. It was a struggle to delimit power and authority which neither the constitutional reforms of 1641 nor the civil war that followed had been able to resolve. Shortly after the fighting ceased in 1646 the House of Lords propounded that ‘things that are to be perpetual might be settled in the old way, by the three estates’. Unexpectedly, however, it was conservative ‘presbyterian’ members of the House of Commons who conducted an experiment in government without the king. In the winter of 1646 Denzil Holies succeeded in obtaining sufficient personal support and institutional power to coordinate and implement a political programme. But the inability of the men at Westminster collectively to secure an accord with the king had encouraged some to question parliament's intentions and others its integrity. Moreover, Charles's defeat, flight to the Scots, and subsequent imprisonment revived the long deferred examination of sovereignty. This now centred on parliament, whose good intentions were, nevertheless, an insufficient justification for its rule. Beginning in the winter of 1646 and building to a climax in the summer of 1647, an assault mounted from both left and right struck at the conduct of Holles and his ‘faction’ and then at the foundation of parliament's role as a conservator of order and authority.


Author(s):  
Matteo Legrenzi ◽  
Fred H. Lawson

Regional dimensions of international security have become increasingly salient since the end of the Cold War. Some groups of states have coalesced into regional formations that resemble classic security communities. Several analytical concepts have been proposed to explain this trend, including revised theories of security community, security regimes, security complexes, and modes of security governance. Regional security complexes offer a useful framework for explicating the dynamics of interstate threats and governments’ coordinated responses to external danger. The utility of the concept can be illustrated by surveying recent scholarship on the cross-border spread of civil wars and disputes over water. Regional security complexes also provide insight into the formation and resurgence of regional security organizations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East.


Author(s):  
Alan Warde

Among the copious research on consumption in the last couple of decades, historians and historical accounts have made some most trenchant and fruitful contributions. However, our improved understanding of the operation of, for want of a better concept, consumer culture, has, despite its apparent potential, had limited impact on the analysis of eating. This article reviews recent scholarship in the field of eating and food consumption, and uses the lens of the globalization thesis to explore how goods, people, and ideas have come to circulate in ways that affect eating habits. It argues that scholarship on eating per se has been comparatively weak, and that recently, rather than being driven by the theoretical concerns of social science, the focus has been on popular anxieties about food. The article also discusses the movement of goods and the movement of people (international migration, suburbanization), and the circulation of ideas about what is good to eat (gastronomy and restaurant guides, cookery books).


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document