‘LESSER BREEDS WITHOUT THE LAW’: THE BRITISH ESTABLISHMENT AND THE DREYFUS AFFAIR, 1894–1899

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT TOMBS
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
The Press ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Times

Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.

The Neo-Behavioral Approach to the Judicial Process: A Critique

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wallace Mendelson
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Behavioral Approach ◽  
Lower Court ◽  
Judicial Process ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Court Judge ◽  
Good Medicine ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Times

A generation ago “legal realists” led by Jerome Frank and Karl Llewellyn dismissed law as a myth—a function of what judges had for breakfast. The important thing, they insisted, was what a court did, not what it said. No doubt this was good medicine for the times. Yet, however broad Frank's 1930 language, later on the bench he loyally acknowledged the compulsive force of legal rules. As a lower court judge, he decided cases in accordance with what he found the law to be—and on occasion he made clear in addenda what he thought it ought to be.Llewellyn, too, changed his mind. In 1934 he had said, “The theory that rules decide cases seems for a century to have fooled, not only library-ridden recluses, but judges.” Seventeen years later he confessed that his earlier behavioral descriptions of law contained “unhappy words when not more fully developed, and they are plainly at best a very partial statement of the whole truth.”In short, after their initial enthusiasm, these and other legal realists recognized that there is and must be law in the judicial process, as well as discretion. This was inevitable, for society can no more dispense with order and coherence than it can deny the demands of changing circumstance. We must have stability, yet we cannot stand still; and so the legal system inevitably has both static and dynamic qualities. Holmes put it in a thimble: “The … law is always approaching, and never reaching, consistency. It is forever adopting new principles from life at one end, and it always retains old ones from history at the other, which have not been absorbed or sloughed off. It will become entirely consistent only when it ceases to grow.”

Letter to The Times

2016 ◽  
pp. 237-238
Author(s):  
Donald W. Winnicott
Keyword(s):  
Psychiatric Diagnosis ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Times

In this letter to The Times, Winnicott frames a response to reports on delinquency, crime, and insanity and emphasises the importance of considering the ‘other half’ of every antisocial act, that is, society’s revenge feelings. Unpunished misdemeanours or crimes swell the reservoir of unconscious public revenge, and it is important to educate the public that the antisocial child or adult is antisocial because he is ill. The law must follow this by considering how far public (unconscious) feeling needs punishment to be given, regardless of the psychiatric diagnosis.

Fy, skam dig ikke! Skam som sanktioneret og konstruktiv følelse i den offentlige debat

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (78) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Lisa Storm Villadsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Queer Theory ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Rhetoric ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Reaction

This article contributes to scholarship on emotions in political rhetoric by way of complicating commonly held ­views on which types of emotions are appropriate in public debate. The article examines the feeling shame from two perspectives, each rhetorically and critically oriented: one is analytical, the other theoretical. The case material comes from Danish politics where a group of celebrities stated to the press that they felt ashamed on account of Denmark’s policy regarding refugees and immigrants. Based in analysis of the public reaction from the Prime Minister I show how the feeling shame and those who felt it were marked as inappropriate from public debate. In the latter part of the article I theorize on negative emotions and shame in public rhetoric. Drawing on contemporary political philosophy and feminist and queer theory I argue for a more nuanced view on appeals to the emotion ­shame. Closer reflection suggests that it does not necessarily imply the destructive social distancing one would ordinarily expect but that it has potential as a marker of solidarity with the collective and as such can drive ethical reconsideration

scholarly journals Freedom of the Press Regulations in Indonesia and Sweden: Limited but Free

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-361
Author(s):  
Haresti Asysy Amrihani ◽  
Rajab Ritonga
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Law

Freedom of the press regulations are adhered to by various countries, including Indonesia and Sweden. Every nation wants their country to be free, and uphold freedom of expression and human rights. Sweden is the first country to regulate freedom of expression by enacting Freedom of the Press Act in 1766, while Indonesia has so far implemented Law No. 40 of 1999 on the Press. This article highlights how freedom of the press is implemented in Indonesia so that its index of democracy and freedom of the press is equal to that of Sweden.  This research applies a literature study method and uses secondary data from various books, journals and legislations. The researcher concludes that some groups encourage the revision of Law No. 40 of 1999 with certain conditions, while others are opposed to it. The other groups stated that the law is lex specialis derogate legi geneari and is used in case of press dispute so that journalists can no longer be imprisoned due to their profession.

The Antisemitic Movement: Miscellaneous Organizations, General Characteristics and the Press

1984 ◽  
pp. 197-212
Author(s):  
Stephen Wilson
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Crucial Aspect ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Press ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Groups

This chapter highlights the other antisemitic organizations that sprang up in France at the time of the Dreyfus Affair. Many political groups then competed to exploit what seemed a promising means of obtaining popular support, and politicians and publicists across the whole political spectrum openly espoused antisemitism. The chapter looks at those who dubbed themselves, or were known, as “the professional antisemites.” These were the formal groupings and organs whose main declared raison d'être was ideological hostility to Jews, though the distinction between these and less committed organizations is, of course, not absolute or always easy to make. The chapter then analyses the general characteristics of organized antisemitism in France, as well as the role of the press as an instrument for exploiting popular credulity, which is a crucial aspect of the antisemitic movement.

scholarly journals The Jewish Press: mellem religion og etnicitet

1996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sahra Lindeberg
Keyword(s):  
Minority Group ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
The Other ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Jewish Society ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Law ◽  
The One ◽  
Modern Orthodox ◽  
Land Of Israel

In this article I have attempted, through the paper The Jewish Press, to portray what I propose to call the Jewish Anglo-Saxon centre orthodoxy in America and Israel. I show that despite the fact that this group in many ways is just as law-abiding as the ultra-orthodox, they are far more "Americanized" in their lifestyle. I propose that the reason why they have succeeded in, on the one hand, to participate in the surrounding society and on the other hand, to avoid compromising with modernity in their interpretaion of the Law like to modern orthodox, is precisely because of their emphasis on ethnicity. By underlining their common history, their relationship to the Land of Israel, and in particular present and past "enemies" of the Jewish people, this group is able to maintain an identity as a minority group and at the same time to take part in the surrounding non-Jewish society.

Political Censorship: Some Reflections on its Validity in Israel's Constitutional Law

1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pnina Lahav
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Foreign Country ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Other ◽  
Secret Message ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government

On 19 January 1976, the Government of Israel announced its intention to impose censorship on two categories of information:(1) Information about the existence or content of a document relating to Israel's foreign affairs which is classified “top secret” or similarly classified and which is addressed from Israel to a foreign country or from a foreign country to Israel.(2) Information relating to a visit by an Israeli official to a foreign country or a visit by a foreign official to Israel, or a meeting between an Israeli and a foreign official—when no diplomatic relations obtain between Israel and that country and when the visit or meeting was not conducted in public nor officially announced in Israel.This step was the Government's response to a series of leakages which appeared in the preceding weeks in the press in Israel. Two publicized items had particularly outraged the Government. One item discussed President Ford's secret message to Prime Minister Rabin. The other item disclosed a secret visit by Foreign Minister Allon to Europe.

$ 5 Trillion Emerging Indian Economy A Road Map of Central Bank

2021 ◽  
pp. 297-300
Author(s):  
Meenakshi Meenakshi ◽  
Hem Ritu Verma
Keyword(s):  
Central Bank ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Road Map ◽  
Original Plan ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Indian Banks ◽  
The Times

In the cusp of transformation, India is at the times where it is willing to take a big leap in order to become one of the top three economies in the world. To realize this leap India will have to overcome many challenges in order to achieve the target of growth in its seventh decade of independence. India, with this goal set in mind, have already seen big changes, especially in banking sector. Trying to break the new ground by infusing banks with investment and policies with amalgamation on one hand and on the other it is fighting a sluggish GDP. The original plan laid out and quoted “Small steps by millions of people”, by honorable Prime Minister, it is certainly facing powerful repercussions. The government laid out the plans to reform the sectors in order to achieve the milestone and the central bank has also got a crucial role to play with ongoing process of multiple mergers of Indian banks and bringing privatization in them, RBI has to focus on financial inclusion as well. This paper discusses about the central bank’s objectives, current situations, constraints and the way forward for making India a USD 5 trillion economy. RBI’s role in the context of growth has been multi-pronged.

Estruturas comparativas complexas: variação e desvio e questões de tradução

2019 ◽  
pp. 265-286
Author(s):  
Telmo Móia ◽  
Rui Marques
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Comparative Constructions ◽  
Game Console ◽  
The One

In this paper, we analyse two subtypes of related comparative constructions in Portuguese, with a focus on grammatical anomaly and change – whether expressed in translated text, as a result of calquing (from English), or in autochthonous text, evincing an area of grammatical instability and change in progress. These are: on the one hand, comparative clauses using multiplicative numbers or fractions, like the Portuguese counterparts of the president is twice as popular as the prime minister or women are four times less likely to develop coronary problems than men, and, on the other hand, nominal phrases resorting to the same quantifying operators, but in a non-clausal environment, like the counterparts of Spain has twice the level of unemployment of Portugal or this game console has four times the memory of the previous one. The observed anomalies – or disputed constructions – involve the non-canonical: (i) use of equative operators (tão/tanto, ‘as’) in comparative clauses with multiplicative numbers or fractions (likely, as a result of calquing from English); (ii) use of a connective (que/do que, ‘than’) in nominal phrases with quantifying operators similar to those of comparative clauses (likely, as a result of autochthonous hybridization); (iii) use of complex prepositional expressions like comparativamente com (‘in comparison with’) or em relação a (‘relatively to’) either instead of the connective (do) que in comparative clauses, or before modifiers inside nominal phrases with multiplicative numbers or fractions. Overall, an intriguing area of grammatical unrest is discussed, with a particular focus on its bearing on translating texts into standard Portuguese.

Dukungan Legislatif Dalam RUU KUHP Untuk Pemberantasan Korupsi: Pro dan Kontra Tindak Pidana Korupsi dalam RUU KUHPDukungan Legislatif Dalam RUU KUHP Untuk Pemberantasan Korupsi: Pro dan Kontra Tindak Pidana Korupsi dalam RUU KUHP

Jurnal Hukum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 1721
Author(s):  
Muhammad Aziz Syamsuddin
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
The Other ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
United Nations Convention ◽  
Legislative Support ◽  
The Law ◽  
Shared Commitment ◽  
Crime Of Corruption

AbstractThe spirit of the eradication of corruption is running continually. Various efforts or strategies were arranged to sharpen the power of corruptions’ eradication. One of the strategies is legislation support or comprehend and effective legislation. It was proved by the enactment of Law No. 28 of 1999 on State Implementation of Clean and Free from Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism and also Law No. 31 of 1999 as amended by Law No. 20 of 2001 on Corruption Eradication. The other related legislation such as Law No. 30 of 2002 on Corruption Eradication Commission and the Law 8 of 2010 on the Prevention and Eradication of Money Laundering.  Those Supporting legislations show that there is a shared commitment to eradicate corruption. Indonesia has also ratified the UNCAC (United Nations Convention against Corruption) by Law No. 7 of 2006 on the UN Convention (United Nations) Anti-Corruption. Support legislation is expected to provide a deterrent effect for offenders and protecting the rights of citizens has a whole. Keywords: Legislative Support, Criminal Code Draft, Eradication, Crime of Corruption, Pros and Cons    AbstrakSemangat pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi terus bergulir. Berbagai upaya atau strategi dibangun untuk mempertajam kekuatan pemberantasan korupsi. Salah satunya adalah dengan dukungan legislasi atau peraturan perundang-undangan yang komprehensif dan efektif. Dibuktikan dengan lahirnya Undang-Undang No. 28 Tahun 1999 tentang Penyelenggaraan Negara yang Bersih dan Bebas dari Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme dan Undang-Undang No. 31 Tahun 1999 sebagaimana diubah dengan Undang-Undang No. 20 Tahun 2001 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi. Adapun undang-undang terkait lainnya seperti UU No. 30 Tahun 2002 tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi dan UU No. 8 Tahun 2010 tentang Pencegahan dan Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang. Dukungan legislasi tersebut menunjukkan adanya komitmen bersama untuk memberantas tindak pidana korupsi. Indonesia juga  telah meratifikasi UNCAC (United Nations Convention Against Corruption) dengan UU No. 7 Tahun 2006 tentang Konvensi PBB (Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa) Anti Korupsi. Dukungan legislasi ini diharapkan memberikan efek jera bagi pelaku sekaligus melindungi hak-hak warga negara secara keseluruhan. Kata Kunci: Dukungan Legislatif, RUU KUHP, Pemberantasan, Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Pro dan Kontra

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