Fy, skam dig ikke! Skam som sanktioneret og konstruktiv følelse i den offentlige debat

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (78) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Lisa Storm Villadsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Queer Theory ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Rhetoric ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Reaction

This article contributes to scholarship on emotions in political rhetoric by way of complicating commonly held ­views on which types of emotions are appropriate in public debate. The article examines the feeling shame from two perspectives, each rhetorically and critically oriented: one is analytical, the other theoretical. The case material comes from Danish politics where a group of celebrities stated to the press that they felt ashamed on account of Denmark’s policy regarding refugees and immigrants. Based in analysis of the public reaction from the Prime Minister I show how the feeling shame and those who felt it were marked as inappropriate from public debate. In the latter part of the article I theorize on negative emotions and shame in public rhetoric. Drawing on contemporary political philosophy and feminist and queer theory I argue for a more nuanced view on appeals to the emotion ­shame. Closer reflection suggests that it does not necessarily imply the destructive social distancing one would ordinarily expect but that it has potential as a marker of solidarity with the collective and as such can drive ethical reconsideration

Rethinking Kant as a public intellectual

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-108
Author(s):  
Sofie Møller
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Moral Philosophy ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Ground ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past

In Kant’s Politics in Context, Reidar Maliks offers a compelling account of Kant’s political philosophy as part of a public debate on rights, citizenship, and revolution in the wake of the French Revolution. Maliks argues that Kant’s political thought was developed as a moderate middle ground between radical and conservative political interpretations of his moral philosophy. The book’s central thesis is that the key to understanding Kant’s legal and political thought lies in the public debate among Kant’s followers and that in this debate we find the political challenges which Kant’s political philosophy is designed to solve. Kant’s Politics in Context raises crucial questions about how to understand political thinkers of the past and is proof that our understanding of the past will remain fragmented if we limit our studies to the great men of the established canon.

‘LESSER BREEDS WITHOUT THE LAW’: THE BRITISH ESTABLISHMENT AND THE DREYFUS AFFAIR, 1894–1899

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT TOMBS
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Anglo Saxon ◽  
Queen Victoria ◽  
The Press ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Times

Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.

Determinants of the Recognition of Foreign Certificates in Flanders

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-243
Author(s):  
Karen Stoffelen ◽  
Mohammad Salman
Keyword(s):  
Logistic Regression ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Other ◽  
Regression Analyses ◽  
Information Centre ◽  
The Public ◽  
Professional Recognition ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

Abstract This article explores the assessment of foreign academic certificates in Flanders between January 2014 and February 2019. It examines data NARIC (National Academic and Professional Recognition and Information Centre) Flanders gathered on its applicants, their applications, and its subsequent decisions. As professional recognitions, providing access to regularised professions in Flanders, are given by the designated authorities in their field, it would go beyond the scope of this article. In the descriptive result part, graphs illustrate the distribution of several characteristics of the applicants, their applications, and the decisions. In the explanatory result part, logistic regression analyses explore the influence of these characteristics on the decision of NARIC Flanders. The goal of this article is twofold. On the one hand, it aims to contribute to the scarce literature on the procedures for the recognition of foreign certificates in Flanders; on the other hand, it aims to contribute to the public debate on the integration of migrants in the labour market.

Bypassing the press gallery: from Howard to Hanson

2018 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Fisher ◽  
David Marshall ◽  
Kerry McCallum
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
News Media ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political News ◽  
The Public ◽  
Theoretical Position ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
The Press ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Media Logic

Traditionally politicians have been dependent on political news media to get their message across to the public. The rise of social media means that politicians can bypass the Press Gallery and publish directly to their target audiences via Facebook, Twitter and other social media platforms. This article argues that Prime Minister John Howard’s (1996–2007) use of talk back radio and early forays on YouTube were pivotal in the trend towards ‘disintermediation’ in Australian politics. It draws on two studies. One involving interviews with 87 key media actors from the Howard era including journalists, broadcasters, politicians and media advisers; and a second, which includes fresh interviews with contemporary press secretaries. This article examines the shift from a ‘mass media logic’ to a ‘hybrid logic’, considered from a mediatization theoretical position. We also ask important questions about the press gallery’s ongoing relevance in the digital era, when politicians preside over their own social media empires.

Scandal at the Opera: Politics, the Press, and the Public at the Inauguration of the Budapest Opera House in 1884

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Markian Prokopovych
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Franz Liszt ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Bela Bartok ◽  
Minor Importance ◽  
Symbolic Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Opera House ◽  
The Government

On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”

scholarly journals International project Communicating town

2005 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Miroslav Foret ◽  
V. Foretová
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Project ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Silent Majority ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Given ◽  
Opinion Polls

The main objectives of the project Communicating Town is to assist in an improvement of mutual relationships and communication between the council and the public. The use of opinion polls provide an opportunity for the silent majority of citizens to voice their views. The standardised interviews make it possible to get the respondents involved in communication activities. Each questionnaire had two parts; the first sought opinions on questions asked by the council in the given town and the other part was common to all the towns involved and allowed us to compare and make general conclusions. The results were presented in the press. During 1995–2000 nearly fifty towns in the Czech Republic and Slovakia participated in the project Communicating Town. The ten years of study within the framework of the project have demonstrated that this project can provide valuable contributions to many aspects of council and town policies. With each year, further towns have shown an interest in involvement in the project. The results from Brno, Loštice and Zlín, i.e., towns where opinion surveys were repeated at intervals of between one and four years, indicate that the relationships between citizens and the council have improved.

Liberaal en flamingant. Pol De Mont als politicus

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 202-225
Author(s):  
Ludo Stynen
Keyword(s):  
Student Leaders ◽  
The Other ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Party Discipline ◽  
The Public ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Press ◽  
The One ◽  
Relationship Of

De dichter Pol De Mont, ooit een der eerste Vlaamse studentenleiders, raakte al snel bekend om zijn strijdbare Vlaamsgezinde, democratische en vrijzinnige standpunten. Bovendien wist hij als spreker moeiteloos een publiek mee te slepen. Toen de Antwerpse Liberale Vlaamsche Bond hem aar voren schoof als kandidaat voor de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 1890 was dat niet naar de zin van machtige Association libérale. Deze bijdrage heeft aandacht voor de perscampagne tegen De Mont, voor de tegenstellingen binnen de Antwerpse liberalen, en voor De Monts activiteiten in de Antwerpse provincieraad waarvoor hij in 1892 wel verkozen raakte. Belicht wordt de moeilijke relatie van toonaangevende Antwerpse liberale kringen en het flamingantische enerzijds, de onverenigbaarheid van De Monts idealen met de partijtucht anderzijds.________Liberal and supporter of the Flemish movement: Pol De Mont as a politician.The poet Pol De Mont, once one of the first Flemish student leaders soon became known for his militant pro-Flemish, democratic and liberal views. Moreover, he effortlessly managed to win over the public as a speaker. When the Antwerp Liberal Flemish Union proposed him as a candidate for the local elections in 1890, this displeased the powerful Association libérale. This contribution focuses on the press campaign against De Mont, the contradictions within the group of the Antwerp liberals, and the activities of De Mont in the Antwerp provincial council into which he did get elected in 1892. The article discusses the difficult relationship of the leading Antwerp liberal circles and the pro-Flemish movement on the one hand and the incompatibility between the ideals of De Mont and the party discipline on the other hand.

The Influence of Political Rhetoric on the Evolution of Xenophobia in Africa

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
Mavhungu Abel Mafukata
Keyword(s):  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public

Xenophobia is historically an old phenomenon in Africa. It has had numerous causes. Political rhetoric has been cited as one of the causes of xenophobia. Franz Fanon predicted in 1968 that Africa would sink into acts of xenophobia at some stage post-liberation. Fanon's prediction was fulfilled when President Kofi Busia of Ghana expelled Nigerian nationals from Ghana in 1969. This chapter used qualitative desktop approach to investigate how political rhetoric influenced the evolution of xenophobia in Africa. Political posturing and grandstanding of political elite and government bureaucrats encouraged xenophobia among locals. This action impedes efforts to eradicate xenophobia in Africa. It is possible for Africa to defeat xenophobia, and to also emerge out of its impact. The state should cooperate with other stakeholders to find a long-lasting solution to xenophobia. Political elite and government bureaucrats should desist from inciting the public for xenophobia. Irresponsible political rhetoric encouraging hatred of one people by the other should be punishable by law.

The Occupied Territories

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov Waxman
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Public Rhetoric ◽  
The Public ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
West Bank And Gaza

Why are the West Bank and Gaza Strip considered “occupied territories”? The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been fought with words as well as weapons. The public rhetoric of both sides, and their respective supporters, has been deliberately formulated to discredit the other side’s claims, delegitimize...

scholarly journals Heroes, Mates and Family: How Tragedy Teaches Us About Being Australian

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gillman
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Public ◽  
John Howard ◽  
Public Reaction ◽  
2004 Tsunami ◽  
Mine Rescue ◽  
Made In

In his 2006 Australia Day address to the National Press Club in Canberra, the then prime minister, John Howard, told journalists that ‘people come to this country because they want to be Australians’. However, as Howard himself admitted, ‘The irony is that no institution or code lays down a test of Australianness’. So how can we know what it is to be Australian? One way is to look at the public statements the Howard made in the wake of tragedy and disaster during his decade as prime minister. These statements reinforce the key values of the Howard government: the role of family, the place of heroes and the importance of mateship. This article analyses the public reaction of the Howard during media coverage of events such as the Port Arthur shootings, the Bali bombings, the 2004 tsunami and the Beaconsfield mine rescue. It argues that Howard’s public responses to these tragedies reflect a move on hi part to recapture the cultural debate and define what it is to be an ‘Australian’.

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