Political Censorship: Some Reflections on its Validity in Israel's Constitutional Law

1976 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pnina Lahav

On 19 January 1976, the Government of Israel announced its intention to impose censorship on two categories of information:(1) Information about the existence or content of a document relating to Israel's foreign affairs which is classified “top secret” or similarly classified and which is addressed from Israel to a foreign country or from a foreign country to Israel.(2) Information relating to a visit by an Israeli official to a foreign country or a visit by a foreign official to Israel, or a meeting between an Israeli and a foreign official—when no diplomatic relations obtain between Israel and that country and when the visit or meeting was not conducted in public nor officially announced in Israel.This step was the Government's response to a series of leakages which appeared in the preceding weeks in the press in Israel. Two publicized items had particularly outraged the Government. One item discussed President Ford's secret message to Prime Minister Rabin. The other item disclosed a secret visit by Foreign Minister Allon to Europe.

Author(s):  
John T. Lauridsen

John T. Lauridsen: The government’s recommendations were not voiced in vain. Erik Scavenius’ meeting with the press on 14 September 1942 Erik Scavenius did not hold many major press conferences in his time as Foreign Minister, nor as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in the period 1940–43. An exception occurred on 14 September 1942, when a great number of issues coincided and led him to hold a large scale meeting in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to explain simultaneously to prominent members of Danish press, politicians and civil servants what the government’s policy was, how the government and its policy was handled in the press and in particular, how the government’s policy should be presented. Both the government’s partners and the press were severely criticized and it was implied there was a government mole so that confidential information was being leaked. The press needed to understand its responsibility at this difficult time in Denmark. The people from the press were allowed to respond and on the whole were seemingly receptive to the instructions. What took place at the meeting was not reported in the newspapers the following day. Instead, background material was provided with the intent of counteracting tendencies in the press running counter to government policy.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.


1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT TOMBS

Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.


Subject Brazilian foreign policy under Aloysio Nunes. Significance Senator Aloysio Nunes, who took office as foreign minister on March 7, is an experienced politician from the centre-right Social Democrats (PSDB). He led the bloc supporting the government of President Michel Temer in the Senate, where he was also since 2015 head of the Commission of Foreign Affairs and National Defence. Nunes replaces Jose Serra at the foreign ministry and will seek overall continuity of Serra's agenda focused on the pursuit of trade opening and border security. Impacts Brazil lacks a clear strategy for its crucial relationship with China. Border security, a key issue for Serra, will remain important for Nunes. Domestic politics may divert Nunes’s attention as the 2018 elections approach.


Significance Ahead of the rollout of the Liberal government’s new defence white paper, Minister of Foreign Affairs Chrystia Freeland delivered a speech in the House of Commons arguing that Canada’s membership of NATO and history of peacekeeping are core elements of its internationalist foreign policy. The government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau wishes to finance greater Canadian involvement in multilateral security missions and institutions of liberal global governance. Impacts Defence issues are not politically salient to Canadian voters, but government backtracking on policy is. High polling support for peacekeeping would probably evaporate in the event of Canadian losses abroad. Operational setbacks could see Trudeau’s Liberals bleed support to their New Democratic and Conservative rivals.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Markian Prokopovych

On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”


1969 ◽  
pp. 355
Author(s):  
Nigel Bankes ◽  
Alastair R. Lucas

This article examines Alberta’s Bill 37, a provincial plan to reduce greenhouse gases and climate change, and explores the constitutionality of such legislation. Its main focus revolves around a constitutional analysis of Alberta's proposed legislation and its potential incompatibility with federal initiatives used to meet the Government of Canada's commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. In this discussion, the authors conclude that Bill 37 would likely be constitutionally valid under the provincial subject matter of property and civil rights, and possibly local undertakings and ownership of provincial public lands. However, the authors dismiss the argument that Alberta's legal position over any federal initiative would be bolstered by the Crown's ownership of provincial resources. The article then looks to the federal government's Kyoto commitments and analyzes the constitutionality of possible federal initiatives under the federal subject matters of taxation, criminal law, trade and commerce and POGG. With both the Alberta and federal plans analyzed, the authors then discuss the potential incompatibility of the plans through three possible scenarios. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the other cooperative measures, such as equivalency agreements and incorporation by reference, which the federal and provincial governments may use to combat the issue of climate change.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 188-217
Author(s):  
Olga Yanet Acuña Rodríguez

 El artículo analiza la influencia de los discursos políticos expuestos por Juan Nepomuceno Niño y José Joaquín Camacho y que circularon en forma pública a través de la prensa nacional y regional durante la primera experiencia republicana entre 1810 y 1815. El estudio se orienta en función de comprender cómo desde la región se intentó construir nación. Es evidente que la clausura de la prensa por el gobierno de Cundinamarca provocó, que las ideas circularan a través de las redes de amigos y familiares en un ámbito más cerrado, lo que permitió hacer extensivo el pensamiento político. Por otra parte, el enfoque evidencia la radicalización de los discursos con los que se pretendía construir un proyecto de estado, y que polarizó la relación entre los criollos en defensa del Federalismo o del Centralismo, tratando de imponer un proyecto de nación tal y como se observa en el caso de la Provincia de Tunja.Palabras clave: proyecto político, patria, centralismo, federalismo, provincia, gobierno. Independence of the Province of Tunja seen from Juan Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho’s Ideology, 1810-1815AbstractIn this paper, we analyze the influence of political discourses made by Nepomuceno Niño and José Joaquín Camacho that publicly circulated through the national and regional press during the first republican experience from 1810 to 1815. This study focuses on understanding how the region tried to build nation. It is clear that the press closure by the government of Cundinamarca caused ideas to circulate through friends and family circles in a closer environment, which allowed to extend that political thinking. On the other hand, the approach of this paper shows the radicalization of the discourses with which it was expected to build a State project, and which polarized the relationship between nationals in defense of Federalism or Centralism, trying to impose a project of nation as it is observed in the case of the Province of Tunja.Keywords: political project, homeland, centralism, federalism, province, government.


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