scholarly journals Arab Internationalism and Gender: Perspectives from the Third Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, 1949

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 578-583
Author(s):  
Nova Robinson

Historians of the Middle East have used gender to explore a range of topics, from how crises around gendered practices have contributed to the construction of national identities to women's roles in nationalist movements. Whereas early gender histories focused on single nation-states, recent scholarship has turned to regional and transnational connections. Yet the international sphere, the domain of nation-states and nongovernmental organizations in relation to each other, has yet to be examined through the lens of gender. In this essay, I argue that doing so yields new insights into the relationship between the national and the international in the Middle East, and into the process of rights claiming in postcolonial nation-states. I make this argument through a discussion of the third session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW).

Author(s):  
Kabasakal Arat Zehra F

This chapter describes the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), which was the first international organ ever created to promote women’s rights and equality. The status of women has been on the agenda of the United Nations since its inception and typically addressed as an issue of discrimination in relation to human rights. As the UN’s work on human rights has evolved and expanded, so have its apparatuses and activities on the advancement of women’s rights and status. The CSW played a key role in drafting declarations and treaties that promote women’s rights, organizing world conferences on women, the development of other UN agencies that address women’s issues, and monitoring and evaluating the attention given to women by other agencies. The chapter examines and discusses the CSW’s operational structure, changing agenda, major accomplishments, the difficulties encountered by the Commission, and the controversies surrounding both its work and the UN approach to women’s issues.


1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-594
Author(s):  
Ingrid Mattson

Preparations for the FourthWorld Conference on WomenThe Economic and Social Council of the United Nations has beenvery active during the past year convening world conferences in order toredefm e its goals and strategies for international cooperation on majorissues. In September 1994, delegations from many nations met in Cairofor the International Conference on Population and Development. InMarch 1995, Copenhagen was the venue for the World Summit for SocialDevelopment. In September 1995, Beijing will be the setting for theFourth World Conference on the Status of Women. In preparation for thelatter conference, international delegations met in New York duringMarch and April to prepare the Platform for Action, which is to be ratifiedin Beijing. The draft document was prepared by the Secretariat of theCommission on the Status of Women after consultation with regionalgroups of the United Nations. In New York, delegations were to proposeamendments to the Platform for Action so that it would be ready for ratificationin Beijing. At least that was the plan. The following report willdescribe how political agendas, arrogance, and bickering prevented thetask from being completed. Perhaps the greatest obstacle, however, wasthe belief that every country in the world could reach consensus on somany contentious issues-there is a better chance of the holy grail beingfound this year.First, for those who are not familiar with the dynamics of the UnitedNations, I need to sketch out the role of the major players. On one side ofthe floor of the UN, members of the European Union (EU) huddle together;the representative from France is their spokesperson. On the other sideof the floor sits the representative from the Philippines, who is thespokesperson for the Group of 77 (077). The 077, which now actuallycomprises 132 members, includes almost all nations from Latin and SouthAmerica, Africa, and Asia. Members of the EU and the 077 meet in theirrespective groups before the main assembly convenes in order to formulatea group position. On the floor of the UN, it is therefore the spokespersonsof these two groups who are the most active.It is significant that while 132 diverse nations were able to meet and,in most cases, bring about a consensus on difficult issues, the United ...


2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-68
Author(s):  
Mary Sudman Donovan

ABSTRACTIn February 2006, women from every province of the Anglican Communion gathered in New York for the annual meeting of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women. Once assembled, they established an organizational structure to perpetuate their gathering and called for an expanded women's presence on all Anglican Communion governing bodies. This article traces the development of the group, showing how a few women used the political structures of the Anglican Communion–the Anglican Observer at the United Nations, the Anglican Consultative Council and the International Anglican Women's Network–to assemble Anglican women. It demonstrates that the experience of meeting together became a source of empowerment for the participants and analyzes the factors contributing to the venture's success so that they might serve as models for the Anglican Communion as it struggles to maintain unity while embracing diversity.


1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shlomo Slonim

The United States has been involved in the question of Jerusalem ever since the American government assumed a major role in promoting adoption of the Palestine Partition Resolution at the United Nations in 1947. The continuing centrality of the Jerusalem issue in the Arab-Israeli dispute is attested to by the references to Jerusalem in the 1982 Reagan Plan for Peace in the Middle East. Even more significant is the fact that although the Jerusalem issue did not figure in the text of the 1978 Camp David Agreements, it was the subject of three separate letters appended to the Agreements by Prime Minister Begin, President Sadat and President Carter. In fact, it is no secret that the Camp David Talks nearly foundered at the last minute over the Jerusalem question. Moreover, it is noteworthy that the United States, which signed the Agreements simply as a witness and not as a party, found it necessary and proper to publicly define its position on the issue of Jerusalem. On no other issue did the American government feel compelled to put forth an official independent viewpoint in the final documents.


2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubna Shahnaz ◽  
Zainab Kizilbash

Introduction As societies grapple with incorporating the concepts of gender equality and gender sensitivity, female decision making is quickly losing its designation as a peripheral issue. Indeed the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women in support of the Commission on the Status of Women has been exploring the question of women and decision making for some time. In 1997 it called upon governments to take into consideration diverse decision making styles and to enhance the images of women in political and public spheres [UN, (2000)].


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Alina Abramova

This article examines the main problems of women around the world. It was shown exactly how the UN tries to solve these problems throughout the existence of the organization, various UN structures that deal with the women's issue were considered, and it was also possible to study the activities of women themselves, for example, in UN peace-making operations.


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