European Communities

1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 480-483

The press reported that the European Parliamentary Assembly, meeting on March 28–April 1, 1960, began its session with the election of Prof. Hans Furler, head of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the West German Bundestag, to the presidency, succeeding Robert Schuman of France. The voting reflected party alignment that ignored the nationalities of the members, Dr. Furler, candidate of the Democratic Christian group, having defeated Gaetano Martino of Italy, candidate of the Liberal group. The Socialists, the third party in the Parliament, had not presented a candidate. Prior to a debate on economic policy, Dr. Furler took the rostrum to thank Mr. Schuman for his efforts on behalf of the European Communities, as it was he who had started the six-nation federation with his proposal for the combination of French and West German coal and steel production. Dr. Furler then asked the Parliament to establish the common market at a faster pace than that specified in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, which had brought the market into existence. In this he was aided by Walter Hallstein, president of the Administrative Commission of the European Economic Community (EEC), who explained the proposals for acceleration of the common market and urged their support as a defense against any Soviet trade war against the West. The proposals centered around a 30-percent reduction in the internal customs of the six member states by July 1, 1960, as well as a start toward the establishment of a common exterior tariff. The members had reservations against the plan, but expressed general support for it in a resolution which received near-unanimous approval (the exceptions being one negative vote and two abstentions).

Worldview ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
Lionel Gelber

There is need for a fresh look at some basic European policies which most of the Western Powers have, until recently, agreed on. Most utterances by Western statesmen, most comments in print and on the air have assumed, for instance, that the reunification’ of Germany and British entry into the Common Market would further the interests of the West. On these two focal issues the attentive public has, in general, heard only one side of the case. The principal reason is obvious. Dissent obtains fewer outlets when opinion media and policymakers see eye to eye.


Worldview ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 14-16
Author(s):  
Lionel Gelber

When the United States fostered the recovery and underwrote the security of Western Europe she had more than sentiment to impel her. That salient zone is a pivotal sector of the world balance, and while she may station fewer of her own troops upon its soil, she can entertain no total disengagement from it. But there is another West European item, the future of the Common Market, which calls for a fresh American scrutiny. The West will be better off if Western Europe acquires more of an ability to stand on its own feet. Gaullism, however, revealed a less modest goal, one that was not confined to France and did not vanish with the departure of General de Gaulle. On the contrary, it may have gained new leverage from his downfall.


1967 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 768
Author(s):  
Heinz U. Thimm ◽  
Karen J. Friedmann ◽  
Helen C. Farnsworth
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  

Author(s):  
António Lopes

This article aims to shed some light on the political and ideological agendas of both London and Lisbon during the process leading up to the signing of the Treaty of Rome, on 25 March 1957. It focuses on four main questions. The frst one is on how the colonial issue still influenced their attitudes towards the process of European integration. The second one explores how the risks of isolation conditioned their understanding of the commercial and economic potential of a European common market. The third question addresses their inability to identify themselves with the principles and values of the European project. The fourth one seeks to ascertain the views exchanged between the British and Portuguese governments on issues such as the customs union, the common market and the free trade area.


PMLA ◽  
1960 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-328
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Whitaker

In 1926, coming upon Spengler's Decline of the West, Yeats was amazed and delighted. “Here is a very strange thing,” he wrote to Sturge Moore, “which will show you what I meant when I wrote of individual man not being shut up in a bottle.” While he had been drawing his diagrams for the historical sketch in A Vision, Spengler's first edition had been going through the press. Had there been some occult communication? “I can almost say… that there is no difference in our interpretation of history (an interpretation that had never occurred to anybody before) that is not accounted for by his great and my slight erudition.” Though Yeats exaggerated, the similarities are substantial; but the means of communication are more various than he wished to allow. Many of Spengler's views were far from novel; and Yeats's early acquaintance with philosophies of history was much broader than his disclaimers of erudition imply. In fact, by 1895 his own historical symbolism was taking clear form; and like Spengler's system, it was amply nourished by the common thought of nineteenth-century Europe.


Author(s):  
Martin HÖPNER ◽  
Susanne K. SCHMIDT

Abstract This article reviews the legal and political science literatures on the extensive interpretation of the European fundamental freedoms and on possible ways out. The common market rules were originally laid down in an international treaty, the Treaty of Rome. In functional terms, this treaty became a de facto constitution, implying that its content, including the fundamental freedoms, were constitutionalised. We review how this constitutionalisation constrains legislators at the Member State and European levels. In order to identify possible ways out, we also review several reform options: institutional reforms of the European judicial system; the de-constitutionalisation of the fundamental freedoms; counterbalancing these freedoms with further strengthened social rights; and contestation of over-constitutionalisation within the given primary law framework. We conclude that reform options are available that could gradually free the legislators from the over-constitutionalisation of the common market rules. Such options should become part of the ‘Conference on the Future of Europe’ process and debates about EU reforms in general, as more flexibility is warranted in a heterogeneous EU.


1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 174-178 ◽  

The European Parliamentary Assembly met in ordinary session from October 21 to 24, 1958, at the House of Europe in Strasbourg. After M. Robert Schuman, President of the Assembly, had opened the proceedings, statements were made on the activities of the European Economic Community (EEC or common market) during the first nine months of its existence and on the activities of the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom). In regard to the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the Assembly heard a statement by M. Pierre Wigny, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium, in which he noted the present coal crisis in Europe, and the differences between the common market and the free trade area—the one aiming for progressive integration, the other only for facilitating trade. This speaker was followed by M. Paul Finet, President of the High Authority of ECSC, who set out the present situation concerning coal in the common market area. He stated that the situation was undeniably serious and pointed out that pithead stocks had more than trebled, rising from 7 million metric tons in 1957 to 22 million tons in 1958. Belgium and Germany had been particularly hard-hit. He reviewed the action taken by the High Authority in trying to make the marketing rules more flexible and to stabilize production and imports, and appealed to the Parliament for support in these proposals, which had been made to the Council of Ministers of ECSC. A debate ensued on the general subject of the European communities.


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