Quasi-states, dual regimes, and neoclassical theory: International jurisprudence and the Third World

1987 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Jackson

Decolonization in parts of the Third World and particularly Africa has resulted in the emergence of numerous “quasi-states,” which are independent largely by international courtesy. They exist by virtue of an external right of self-determination— negative sovereignty—without yet demonstrating much internal capacity for effective and civil government—positive sovereignty. They therefore disclose a new dual international civil regime in which two standards of statehood now coexist: the traditional empirical standard of the North and a new juridical standard of the South. The biases in the constitutive rules of the sovereignty game today and for the first time in modern international history arguably favor the weak. If international theory is to account for this novel situation it must acknowledge the possibility that morality and legality can, in certain circumstances, be independent of power in international relations. This suggests that contemporary international theory must accommodate not only Machiavellian realism and the sociological discourse of power but also Grotian rationalism and the jurisprudential idiom of law.

1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-407
Author(s):  
Ward Morehouse

On the threshold of the millennial transition of the next 20–40 years, the human community is confronted with four alliterative crises which will reach a crescendo in the 1980s: energy, environment, employment, and equity. Breakdowns in capital- and energy-intensive systems are increasingly likely in the industrially advanced countries of the North and in the so-called modern sectors of Third World economies. As pressure on non-renewable resources and the environment grows, more and more effort is being made through organized R&D in the North to find technological solutions or fixes to these problems. The revolutionary advances occurring in micro-electronics and biotechnology can have dramatic impact on life-styles in the North and South, and on the global political economy. The key issues of the millennial transition, however, will not be technological but economic and political, revolving around the question of control over these technological innovations. Greater economic, political and technological integration of the world will draw the periphery nations of the Third World more tightly into a web of continuing dependence; and therefore selective disengagement of the South from the North emerges as a ‘lesser evil’ transitional strategy, while the South seeks to strengthen its own local problem-solving skills to grapple with the alliterative crises of the 1980s. In this effort, the South must use more extensively its own existing survival technology - indigenously based knowledge and skills which most people in the Third World live by today - in judicious combination with new advanced technologies from the North, if it can exercise reasonable control over the acquisition and utilization of those technologies.


1983 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartmut Elsenhans

The rise of capitalism in Western Europe was based on rising mass incomes and a political power relationship favorable to the lower classes, which created opportunities for profitable investment. Nowhere in today's underdeveloped world did such conditions exist before the European expansion; nowhere were they created by the mere fact of integration into the capitalist world system. Thus the periphery has been ever more disadvantaged by its connection with the capitalist center. But the center could and can dispense withthe contribution of the periphery and, indeed, on occasion has done so. A planned restructuring of the productive apparatus and social reform in the Third World are both complex and contradictory processes. The working class in the North has to realize its interest in defending the masses of the Third World. It can do so by linking economic concessions in the North-South dialogue (raw material prices or access to markets) to social reform and the creation of a productive apparatus that permits the rise of mass incomes in the Third World.


Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Denis Goulet

In a letter to a friend in the United States dated May 16, 1969, a leading Colombian sociologist declared:I have been trying to disattach myself from portions of the North American heritage which I had received, and with which I find myself increasingly at odds. For this reason, I cannot identify myself with any institution of the United States that would uphold or sustain the present economic and social policies pursued toward the Nations of the Third World.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Gunn

Coups d’état were a relatively common means of regime change during the Cold War. From 1945 through 1985, 357 attempted coups d’état occurred in the Third World, and 183 succeeded. The high frequency of coups during this period is unsurprising, especially considering the advantageous position of the military during the rapid and destabilizing pace of modernization and decolonization in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Coups d’état were not exclusive to the Third World, however. They also occurred in members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Surprisingly, however, few scholars have explored why these extra-constitutional regime changes were tolerated, or how they were even possible, within NATO. This article attempts to answer these questions within the context of the 1960 coup in Turkey by closely evaluating the notion that the United States had no knowledge or warning that a coup was about to unfold.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-48
Author(s):  
Yassin El-Ayouty

In January 1972 the UN Security Council accepted the invitation to meet in Africa which had been issued by the African states and, in late January and early February 1972, Addis Ababa was the scene of an historic session. For the first time, Africa's “burning issues” were considered in depth and plans were made to implement earlier decisions adopted in connection with them. Africa's success in having the Council meet on its territory was the culmination of persistent efforts by the African group at the UN aiming, since 1960, at making colonialism and apartheid in Africa matters threatening international peace and security. Today, on the twenty-seventh anniversary of the adoption of the UN Charter, it is necessary to analyze the nature of this evolving relationship between Africa and the World Organization as a case study of UN relationships with the Third World.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-88
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Krasner

Marc Williams' ‘The Third World and global reform’ raises several fundamental questions about my analysis of the Third World's quest for a New International Economic Order. His most serious criticisms are that I (1) misunderstood the relationship between politics and economics; (2) covertly endorse an orthodox liberal policy prescription for the North; and (3) mis-state the implications that can be drawn from data on the economic situation of developing countries. I will address each of these issues.


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