Regional Organization and the United Nations

1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman J. Padelford

One of the marked features of international relations in recent years has been the growth of regional groupings and organizations. Included among the more notable regional arrangements formed since 1944 are the League of Arab States, the Organization for European Economic Cooperation, the Organization of American States, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and the European Coal and Steel Community. In addition to these and other existent arrangements are proposals for the creation of a European Defense Community and a European Political Community, the idea of a Pacific Pact resembling NATO, the concept of a Middle East Defense organization, and a possible linkage of Asian States.

Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Engel

This chapter evaluates George H. W. Bush as a grand strategist. Determined above all else to preserve the elements of traditional American power amid a tumultuous world and to prevent as much as possible a rapidly transforming world from descending brinto chaos, Bush successfully achieved the markers he set in pursuit of this goal. These included sustaining relations with a reeling China, preserving the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), uniting Germany, negotiating a continental-wide free trade zone designed to counter the rise of Asian and European economic consolidation, and protecting the sanctity of international sovereignty and the import of the United Nations in a post–Cold War world. Ultimately, gauging Bush's success in 1991, or in 2001, or in 2011 produces different answers. A hero in the first instance, perhaps the reason Americans faced problems in the Middle East in the second, he was by the third date largely celebrated for the restraint his son never exhibited. Times changed, his actions in office did not, nor did the central tenets he embraced and embodied as a strategist: he faced instability, believed in the stream of history, and by acting to ensure the American stability he considered paramount to security, helped keep chaos at bay.


Author(s):  
Joseph M. Siracusa

‘The evolution of dimplomacy’ looks briefly at the evolution of modern diplomacy, focusing on diplomats and what they do, paying attention to the art of treaty-making. A case can be made that treaties of international peace and cooperation comprise nothing less than the diplomatic landscape of human history, from the benchmark European treaties of the Congress of Vienna (1815), Brest-Litovsk (1918), and Versailles (1919) to the milestone events such as the Covenant of the League of Nations (1919), the United Nations Charter (1948), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (1949).


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 339-341
Author(s):  
Edward Kwakwa

Multilateralism can be seen as the greatest source of legitimacy and inclusiveness in the international system. In thinking of multilateralism, I am inspired by Harlan Grant Cohen's Editorial Comment in the January 2018 issue of the American Journal of International Law, in which he explains that multilateralism is a process that is more inclusive than unilateralism or bilateralism. Following that definition, it would imply, for example, that cooperation activities at the United Nations (UN), with its membership of 193 States, are more a reflection of multilateralism than cooperation activities at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), with its membership of thirty-six states, or at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with its membership of twenty-nine states. But by the same token, efforts at multilateralism could be harder to achieve results, given that achieving consensus among 193 countries would be more challenging than doing so among a smaller number of countries. It would also stand to reason that regional or plurilateral arrangements are less reflective of multilateralism than are multilateral arrangements. But of course, multilateralism should not only be viewed against a yardstick of numbers, but also in terms of legitimacy, effectiveness and impact of activities and outputs.


1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence S. Kaplan

The signing of the North Atlantic Treaty on April 4, 1949, gave rise to a number of books and articles on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) the volume of which will probably continue for some time. The treaty and the organization that it created represent the clearest challenge to Soviet expansionism since the end of World War II. Through this action twelve nations of North America and western Europe resolved to consider an armed attack against one member an attack against them all, and to create sufficient stiength within the alliance to deter potential aggressors. But NATO's continuing interest to commentators stems from reasons other than its value as a weapon against the spread of communism. To some writers NATO appears to be a stimulant that would revive a moribund United Nations, to others it is the beginning of a new kind of alliance unprecedented in history, to still others, it is a symbol of America's rejection of isolationism. So vague are some of the treaty's articles and so rapid has been the evolution of the organization that almost any observer could derive whatever meaning he wishes out of NATO's development.


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-863 ◽  

Meeting at the request of the representatives of Canada and Denmark, the Security Council discussed the situation in the Middle East at its 1341st-1361st meetings, held on May 24-June 14, 1967.Opening the debate on the adoption of the agenda, Nikolai T. Fedorenko (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) declared that his delegation did not believe there were sufficient grounds for a hasty convening of the Security Council in what he termed an artificially dramatic climate fostered by the representatives of certain Western powers. He observed that two members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), rather than any of the parties directly concerned, had asked for a meeting of the Council. To his delegation this indicated a desire to interfere in the affairs of other countries rather than a true concern for the peace and security of the Middle East.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199391
Author(s):  
Simone Turchetti

This essay explores the reception of ‘nuclear winter’ at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This response is paradigmatic of how scientific predictions can work as stimuli for science diplomacy activities, and either inflate or deflate these forecasts’ public resonance. Those who elaborated the theory in the early 1980s predicted that the environmental consequences of a future nuclear conflict would have been catastrophic; possibly rendering the earth uninhabitable and leading to the extinction of humankind. This prospect was particularly problematic for the Western defence alliance, since it was difficult to reconcile with the tenets of its nuclear posture, especially after the 1979 Dual Track decision, engendering concerns about the environmental catastrophe that the scientists predicted. Thus, NATO officials refrained from commenting on nuclear winter and its implications for the alliance’s deterrence doctrine for some time in an effort to minimize public criticism. Meanwhile, they progressively removed research on nuclear winter from the set of studies and scientific debates sponsored by NATO in the context of its science initiatives. In essence, NATO officials ‘traded’ the promotion of these problematic studies with that of others more amenable to the alliance’s diplomacy ambitions.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bowie

The debate over strategy, forces, and nuclear control, which now divides the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), is framed largely in military terms: what is the best way to protect the NATO area and its members from aggression? The military aspects are complex in themselves, but the import of these issues extends far beyond defense. Their handling will greatly affect prospects for a partnership between the United States and a strong, united Europe


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