Convention on prohibitions or restrictions on the use of certain conventional weapons which may be deemed to be excessively injurious or to have indiscriminate effects — Statement by the ICRC

1994 ◽  
Vol 34 (298) ◽  
pp. 56-60

We are grateful to the Government of France for having called for a conference to review the 1980 United Nations Convention on Prohibitions or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons which May be Deemed to be Excessively Injurious or to Have Indiscriminate Effects.The Review Conference for the 1980 Convention is an important event, as it provides the opportunity, for the first time since that Convention entered into force in 1983, for States to make an assessment of its impact and to decide whether it needs to be amended in order to be more effective.

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (913) ◽  
pp. 235-259
Author(s):  
Frank Sauer

AbstractThis article explains why regulating autonomy in weapons systems, entailing the codification of a legally binding obligation to retain meaningful human control over the use of force, is such a challenging task within the framework of the United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. It is difficult because it requires new diplomatic language, and because the military value of weapon autonomy is hard to forego in the current arms control winter. The article argues that regulation is nevertheless imperative, because the strategic as well as ethical risks outweigh the military benefits of unshackled weapon autonomy. To this end, it offers some thoughts on how the implementation of regulation can be expedited.


Polar Record ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 22 (139) ◽  
pp. 421-425
Author(s):  
G. P. Donovan

The thirty-sixth annual meeting of the International Whaling Commission (IWC) was held in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 18–22 June 1984, at the invitation of the Government of Argentina, under the chairmanship of E.H. Iglesias (Argentina). This was the first time since 1977 that the meeting had been held outside the United Kingdom, where the Secretariat has its headquarters. Thirty-seven of the Commission's 40 member nations attended. Observers were present from two non-member governments, five intergovernmental organisations (including the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation and the United Nations Environmental Programme) and 37 non-governmental conservation, animal welfare and trade organisations.


1994 ◽  
Vol 34 (299) ◽  
pp. 123-158 ◽  

The International Committee of the Red Cross has first-hand experience of the real consequences of the many armed conflicts now taking place and of the actual use and effects of weapons. It therefore has a particular interest in ensuring that the law takes into account the realities of the use of weapons in order to effectively reduce the amount of suffering caused in armed conflicts.


Author(s):  
Sydney Chapados

When schools shut down in Ontario during the COVID-19 Pandemic, many voices chimed in to discuss where children should be. However, children’s voices were largely missing from these discussions by virtue of being excluded by those in charge. Under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), children are granted the right to express themselves, have that expression be taken seriously, and to be given information on matters that concern them. By conducting an analysis of the Ontario Government’s Back-to-School Plan and announcements, I argue that the developmental and economic framing of the decision to return to school denied children their expression rights guaranteed under the UN-CRC. The Ontario Government missed a vital opportunity to value children as full human beings with integral experiences. I conclude by arguing that it is imperative that the Government commits to using a rights-respecting approach to all policy and programming with potential to impact children or childhood.


Author(s):  
Ria Casmi Arrsa

<p>Indeks Persepi Korupsi (IPK) Indonesia pada tahun 2013 menggambarkan posisi Indonesia berada pada skala eskalasi poin yang belum bergeser secara signifikan. Kondisi tersebut mengharuskan adanya komitmen dari Pemerintah dan segenap komponen masyarakat untuk secara berkelanjutan melakukan upaya-upaya yang masif dan sistematis dalam menjalankan agenda pemberantasan korupsi di Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan metode yuridis normatif tulisan ini akan membedah apa yang menjadi dasar urgensi rekonstruksi politik hukum pemberantasan korupsi, serta bagaimanakah model rekonstruksi politik hukum dalam pemberantasan korupsi tersebut. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa salah satu upaya masif dan sistematis dimaksud dapat dilakukan melalui gagasan rekonstruksi politik hukum pemberantasan korupsi melalui strategi penguatan penyidik dan penuntut umum independen Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi. Gagasan ini dimaksudkan sebagai sarana untuk mendorong arah politik kebijakan dan regulasi agar menopang kinerja KPK secara optimal dalam bidang pencegahan dan/atau penindakan korupsi dalam skala pusat sampai daerah. Rekonstruksi politik hukum diarahkan pada argumentasi baik dalam ranah substansi hukum, struktur hukum, kultur hukum, dan sarana- prasarana melalui penguatan sumber daya manusia baik dari sisi kualitas, kuantitas maupun anggaran. Oleh karenanya dukungan sektor politik diperlukan agar strategi pemberantasan korupsi inheren dengan gagasan yang termaktub di dalam Konvensi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa Menentang Korupsi (United Nations Convention Against Corruption , UNCAC)</p><p>Indonesia’s corruption perception index (CPI) in 2013 illustrates Indonesia position in escalation stage point has not improved significantly. These conditions requires commitments from the Government and all society components to make massive and systematic efforts continuously in carrying out eradication of corruption agenda in Indonesia. Using juridis normative method this article will discuss urgents points of reconstruction of corruption eradication legal policy, also how the model of reconstruction of corruption eradication legal policy its self. This research results shows that one massive and systematic efforts can be done through reconstruction idea of ecorruption eradication legal political strategy through strengthening independent investigator and prosecutor of the Corruption Eradication Commission. This idea intends to encourage political direction of policy and regulation in order to support optimal performance of the Commission in the field of prevention and/or execution of corruption both in central and region scale. Political legal reconstruction directs to the substance of the argument in legal substance, legal structure, legal culture, and infrastructure through the empowerment of human resources from quality, quantity and budget aspects. Therefore political sector strategy supports needed in order to eradicate corruption inherent with the idea that inline within United Nations Convention against Corruption, UNCAC (United Nations Convention Against Corruption).</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanus Reynold Andika

The establishment of an extradition treaty between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and other countries is a strategic effort in order to increase cooperation in the field of law enforcement and the implementation of justice. With the formation of the extradition treaty, the perpetrators of crimes that are being sought and fleeing the country cannot escape easily from lawsuits. Although the extradition issue is basically seen as part of international law, the discussion cannot be emphasized only in terms of international law. Many things are not further regulated in extradition agreements, especially if the problem is a domestic problem of each country. This article discusses Law Enforcement Against Transnational Criminals through Extradition Agreements. This research is normative juridical and prescriptive. The results of the study conclude that Law Enforcement Against Transnational Crime Actors under the provisions of the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) is not fully implemented in the Indonesian legal system. Based on data until the 2017 period, it can be concluded that the implementation of extradition in Indonesia based on the provisions of UNTOC is still not fully implemented.


2003 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 345-365
Author(s):  
Steven A. Solomon

Efforts to regulate warfare, including the use of particular weapons, have a long history, dating back, according to some scholars, thousands of years. But international codification of the rules of war in binding multilateral legal instruments only began in the second half of the nineteenth century. Among the first such efforts was one devoted to the prohibition of the use of a particular weapon in wartime. The St. Petersburg Declaration of 1868 on exploding bullets banned the use of explosive projectiles under 400 grammes in weight and is generally recognised as constituting the first significant international instrument prohibiting a specific weapon. It also incorporated into the conventional law of armed conflict the customary principle prohibiting the use of weapons ‘of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering’ — a tenet of international humanitarian law and a touchstone for many important international agreements on the use of weapons that have since followed, including the Hague Declaration of 1899 on expanding bullets, the Geneva Gas Protocol of 1925 and, most recently, the United Nations Convention on Conventional Weapons of 1980 (hereafter, CCW).


Author(s):  
Cogan Jacob Katz

This chapter examines Article 44 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). For decades, international organizations have been permitted to become parties to certain multilateral treaties. No human rights treaty, however, had done the same until the CRPD, which in its Articles 42 and 43 for the first time provided such opportunities to ‘regional integration organizations’ (RIOs). The inclusion of a RIO clause in the CRPD allows international organizations for the first time to consent to be bound by a treaty in the area of human rights. Article 44 defines a RIO; clarifies that RIOs are to be considered ‘states parties’ for purposes of the Convention within the limits of their competence, excludes a RIO’s accession from having any consequence under the entry into force provisions of Articles 45 and 47; and establishes voting rules in the Conference of States Parties for RIOs and any of their member states that are also Convention parties.


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