New Nationalism? The S.D.L.P. and the creation of a socialist and labour party in Northern Ireland, 1969–75

2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (151) ◽  
pp. 422-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Campbell
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Major Advance ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Secular Society

‘Since our foundation, the S.D.L.P. has been proudly nationalist and is 100 per cent for a United Ireland.’ This description, from the website of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), advances a claim which might be thought not to sit easy with the party's founding ideals which claimed it as a ‘radical socialist party’ and insisted that, while a united Ireland was one of the party's main aims, it would prioritise the socio-economic above the constitutional question. This article will argue that while the S.D.L.P. was widely recognised as a major advance in nationalist politics in Northern Ireland when it was formed in August 1970, it had lost its avant-garde approach to the constitutional question and become a more organised form of the old Nationalist Party by 1975. Although initially the S.D.L.P. combined socialist rhetoric with a discourse that linked social justice with the reunification of the island – its ideal was a ‘completely new constitution for the whole of Ireland, a constitution which will provide the framework for the emergence of a just, egalitarian and secular society’ – there existed an uneasy tension between nationalist and socialist aims within the party, with the former taking precedence by the time of the powersharing Executive of 1974.

scholarly journals The “Impossibilist Revolt” in Britain

1956 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-397 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chushichi Tsuzuki
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
Revolutionary Movements

The Socialist Labour Party and the Socialist Party of Great Britain came into existence as the result of the “impossibilist revolt” of 1900–1904. The “revolt” was a movement of a few hundred socialists within the Social Democratic Federation, itself a social revolutionary party with a membership of only a few thousands. The absence of widespread support for any of these revolutionary movements in a country whose political tradition has remained predominantly constitutional accounts for the fact that the crisis inside the S.D.F., and with it the origins of the S.L.P. and the S.P.G.B. themselves have been consigned to obscurity in the history of British Socialism.

Majorities without Mandates: Issues and Elections in the Spring of 1924

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles S. Maier
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Policy Alternatives ◽  
The Social

This chapter examines issues arising from the elections that were held in France, Germany, and Italy in the spring of 1924, asking in particular whether the elections could resolve the political ambiguities persisting in the three countries. It suggests that the presence of important political alternatives could not guarantee that the voting would yield clear decisions. Even where significant majorities or shifts of opinion occurred, the results were not unequivocal in terms of the issues at stake. Choices on the ballot did not parallel real policy alternatives. Superficially decisive victories led merely to coalitions built around opportunity rather than policy. The chapter considers the limits of Benito Mussolini's majority, the setback suffered by the Social Democratic Party (SPD) at the polls, and the coalition between the Radical Socialist Party and the SPD to form the Cartel des Gauches.

Conclusion

2021 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
Territorial Politics ◽  
The Uk

The book has provided four sets of conclusions. First, the examination of territorial strain, the nature of territorial problems and the characteristics of background conditions gives us a lens through which to evaluate critically the social, economic and cultural context to territorial politics. The second set of conclusions relate to the approaches used in the movements for territorial constitutional change in exploiting the support they did have and overcoming those weaknesses that still existed. As part of the reality of how territorial change happens it is to be expected that in the particular case of the UK that all territorial movements emerged out of party political contestation and self-interested party choices, and then had to define approaches heavily determined by party constraints. The third set of conclusions relate to UK central government. The UK centre was also in part defined by the pursuit of party power, and the key party at the UK level ready to address territorial constitutional reform — the Labour Party — faced large challenges and anxieties after 18 years out of office when they prepared for the 1997 general election. The final set of conclusions relate to the importance of constitutional policy processes to the resolution of conflicts in centre–periphery relations. Approaches to the development of devolution policy were followed which made the best efforts to achieve territorial balance under the constraints that they faced. The policy processes in Scotland and Northern Ireland achieved sometimes high, but at least sufficient, levels of inclusiveness in their mechanisms of negotiation.

scholarly journals Neoliberalism and trade unions in Britain

Tempo Social ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28
Author(s):  
Steve Cushion
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Parliamentary Politics

For the past 30 years, Britain’s ruling class has been deeply split over membership of the European Union. This came to a head over the referendum on so-called “Brexit”. The Conservative Party (Tories) was split into “Remain” and “Leave” wings, both neoliberal, but with a different interpretation of the best way to make profits for the section of British capitalism each represents. Meanwhile the Labour Party is divided between the pro-business, neoliberal wing and the social democratic, reformist wing. The trade unions, with one or two notable exceptions, have conducted their activities within the parameters of parliamentary politics and desperately hoped for a Labour victory. The recent general election gave complete victory to the “Leave” Tories, which is potentially disastrous for the trade unions and their members.

Merger or Bust: Whatever Happened to Members of the SDP?

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Hugh Bochel
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
The Social ◽  
Opinion Polls

The Social Democratic Party (SDP) was perhaps the nearest thing to a ‘flash’ party seen in British politics in modern times. It was formed in March 1981, largely on the initiative of four leading figures in the Labour party (Roy Jenkins, David Owen, Shirley Williams and William Rogers), following the apparent success of the left in dominating the party, and initially it had a sensational impact on British politics. It had thirty MPs by March 1982 (mostly as a result of defections by Labour MPs); in alliance with the Liberals it immediately went to first place in the opinion polls and stayed in that position until May 1982. The Alliance won four by-elections between 1981 and 1983, and in the 1983 general election, with 25.4 per cent of the vote, came within two points of ousting Labour from its second place. For the next four years the Alliance held its position and in the 1987 election its vote fell only slightly to 22.6 per cent.

scholarly journals The Irish Government and the Sunningdale Council of Ireland: a vehicle for unity?

2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (150) ◽  
pp. 283-303
Author(s):  
Shaun McDaid
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Executive Functions ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
White Paper ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Stepping Stone ◽  
Irish Government ◽  
Formal Recognition ◽  
Formal Establishment

In December 1973, the British and Irish governments and the Northern Ireland Executive designate agreed to the formal establishment of a ‘Council of Ireland’ as part of the historic Sunningdale Agreement. This council was to have executive functions and co-ordinate the provision of certain services on both sides of the border; it would have ‘executive and harmonising functions and a consultative role, and a consultative assembly with advisory and review functions’. The Council of Ireland proposal was the British government's formal recognition of the ‘Irish dimension’ which it had accepted in the March 1973 White Paper, the Northern Ireland Constitutional Proposals. The proposed council was one of the most divisive issues in Northern Ireland politics during the 1972–4 period, and was strongly resisted by a majority of unionists. The council issue led to the collapse of the power-sharing Executive which had taken office in January 1974. Loyalist opponents of Sunningdale argued that the Council of Ireland, if allowed to operate, would be a stepping-stone to a united Ireland. Recently, some scholars have retrospectively endorsed this interpretation of the council, arguing that the Irish government, in concert with the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.), sought a particularly strong institution – with the goal of Irish reunification. But was the proposed Council of Ireland really intended as a vehicle for future Irish unity?

Rebuilding the family: 1940s–1950s

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Hendrick
Keyword(s):  
Young Children ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
John Bowlby ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Family Home ◽  
Donald Winnicott

The chapter examines the idea of 'the family' within the context of the so-called 'Golden Age' in social and economic affairs that was said to prevail from the late 1940s through to the early 1970s. It begins with a survey of the social democratic ideals regarding 'mental progress', as expressed in sections of Atlee's Labour Party, and of the Party's failure to convert the electorate to socialist ethics. It then goes on to provide a sustained account of the ideas and popular influence of John Bowlby and Donald Winnicott, emphasizing the significance they attributed to family, home, and the 'the bonds of love', particularly between mothers and young children, for the evolution of an emotionally mature social democracy in the post-1945 atomic age.

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