Conceptualising Southern Liberalism: Ideology and the Pepper–Smathers 1950 Primary in Florida

2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONATHAN W. BELL

In his diary in July 1946 Senator Claude Pepper of Florida noted that Great Britain was “showing considerable progress in [a] year under its socialist government – nationalization of [the] Bank of England, coal mines … . They have enacted [a] housing program and extended [the] social security system and a national health system. That is the direction of things everywhere but here.” The question of why American social democracy did not take off in the same way after World War Two as elsewhere in the industrialised world has become an important issue in recent American historiography. Indeed, the question of what was left, in both senses of the word, of “liberalism” after the death of Franklin Roosevelt assumes particular importance when one considers the fact that there were in the United States in 1946 a fair number of liberal political thinkers who were committed to using the New Deal and wartime experience as a launch pad for further left-of-centre political experimentation. Claude Pepper, Henry Wallace, Helen Douglas, Harold Ickes, Rexford Tugwell, Paul Douglas – all were in positions of political or intellectual influence at the end of the Second World War. Yet, by 1950, they would all experience either political defeat or a shift away from vocal commitment to social democratic values.

Author(s):  
Noel Maurer

This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin Roosevelt, the United States began to provide foreign aid (in the form of grants and loans) and rolled out perhaps the first case of modern covert action against the government of Cuba. Both tools were perfected during the Second World War, which saw the creation of entire agencies of government dedicated to providing official transfers and covertly manipulating the affairs of foreign states. In addition, the development of sophisticated trade controls allowed targeted action against the exports of other nations. For example, after 1948 the United States could attempt to influence certain Latin American governments by granting or withholding quotas for sugar.


2019 ◽  

The election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States surprised the world and aroused great anxiety. His ‘America First’ rhetoric had already fuelled concerns that his presidency would be radical during the presidential election campaign in 2016. Above all, it seemed to cast doubt on the US’ claim to global leadership, which was regarded as the foundation of the global order that the US had helped to form since the Second World War. From both an internal and external perspective, this book examines the social, institutional and international reasons for the USA’s foreign and security policy under Trump. With contributions by Hakan Akbulut, Florian Böller, Andreas Falke, Gerlinde Groitl, Steffen Hagemann, Lukas D. Herr, Gerhard Mangott, Marcus Müller, Sonja Thielges, Charlotte Unger and Jürgen Wilzewski.


Author(s):  
Ian Tyrrell

This chapter studies American historical writing. In the United States, the legacy of the Progressive historians advocating a pragmatic study of the past in the interests of social and political usefulness was a powerful influence that continued to be evident after the Second World War. This Progressive agenda had flow-on effects that shaped other characteristics of American scholarship. One was recurrent but often misleading debates over conflict versus consensus on the issues of American national character, ideology, and politics; another was flexibility and innovation in interpretation, with receptiveness to new ideas derived from the influence of other humanities and the social sciences; still another was distrust of grand theory, and an instrumental and subordinate attention to historiography. The chapter then offers an outsider’s view of American historiography from the vantage point of Australia, and with a focus on the extra-academic life of American historians, including the development of ‘public history’.


1977 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-362
Author(s):  
James Gilbert Ryan

In June, 1945, America's Communists replaced their leader, Earl Browder, who had sought an East-West détente instead of the Cold War. Eight months later they expelled him from the movement altogether, although he had spent twenty-four years in its service. Since 1934, when he had gained undisputed control, he had dominated the Communist party of the United States (CPUSA) “as no one had done before or could do afterward.” Under him it had taken advantage of the Great Depression to achieve a degree of respectability previously unknown. It even enjoyed “a measure of prestige in at least some sections of society.” Probably the best-organized political party to the left of the New Deal, during the thirties it also became the largest Marxian group by outdistancing the socialists. The CPUSA grew in number from 7,000 in 1930 to about 100,000 during the Second World War, with influence ranging far beyond its membership rolls. In contrast to its success under Browder, after his ouster it receded rapidly into political oblivion.


Author(s):  
Jorge A. Nállim

El artículo analiza la revista América en 1940-1960 como un espacio político-cultural privilegiado para el estudio de procesos históricos nacionales, regionales y transnacionales. Nacida de la confluencia de grupos vinculados al estado revolucionario mexicano, la izquierda y el exilio español en México, delimitó un programa original en defensa de la Revolución Mexicana, el antifascismo, los aliados en la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el exilio republicano español. Eventualmente, en el período de post-guerra y en un proceso de continuidades y rupturas, mantuvo su firme adhesión gobierno y partido revolucionarios, dio mayor cabida a temas culturales y artísticos y se vinculó a grupos locales e internacionales relacionados con la Guerra Fría cultural a favor de Estados Unidos. El análisis de los grupos, ideas y transformaciones de América permite, así, identificar aspectos relevantes de la trama social, política e ideológica detrás del mundo cultural mexicano de la época.The article analyzes the magazine América in 1940-1960 as a privileged political and cultural space for studying national and transnational historical processes. Born out of the convergence of groups linked to the Mexican revolutionary state, the left, and the Spanish exile in Mexico, it originally defined a program in defense of the Mexican Revolution, antifascism, the Allies in the Second World War, and the Spanish Republican exile. Eventually, and in a process combining continuities and changes in the post-war period, it kept its firm support for the revolutionary government and party while it opened its pages to cultural and artistic contributions and established relations with local and international groups tied to the United States-led cultural Cold War. Thus, the analysis of America’s groups, ideas, and transformations makes it possible to identify relevant aspects of the social, political, and ideological network behind the Mexican cultural world of the time.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-93
Author(s):  
Jessica Moberg

Immediately after the Second World War Sweden was struck by a wave of sightings of strange flying objects. In some cases these mass sightings resulted in panic, particularly after authorities failed to identify them. Decades later, these phenomena were interpreted by two members of the Swedish UFO movement, Erland Sandqvist and Gösta Rehn, as alien spaceships, or UFOs. Rehn argued that ‘[t]here is nothing so dramatic in the Swedish history of UFOs as this invasion of alien fly-things’ (Rehn 1969: 50). In this article the interpretation of such sightings proposed by these authors, namely that we are visited by extraterrestrials from outer space, is approached from the perspective of myth theory. According to this mythical theme, not only are we are not alone in the universe, but also the history of humankind has been shaped by encounters with more highly-evolved alien beings. In their modern day form, these kinds of ideas about aliens and UFOs originated in the United States. The reasoning of Sandqvist and Rehn exemplifies the localization process that took place as members of the Swedish UFO movement began to produce their own narratives about aliens and UFOs. The question I will address is: in what ways do these stories change in new contexts? Texts produced by the Swedish UFO movement are analyzed as a case study of this process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-74
Author(s):  
Hristov Manush

AbstractThe main objective of the study is to trace the perceptions of the task of an aviation component to provide direct aviation support to both ground and naval forces. Part of the study is devoted to tracing the combat experience gained during the assignment by the Bulgarian Air Force in the final combat operations against the Wehrmacht during the Second World War 1944-1945. The state of the conceptions at the present stage regarding the accomplishment of the task in conducting defensive and offensive battles and operations is also considered. Emphasis is also placed on the development of the perceptions of the task in the armies of the United States and Russia.


Author(s):  
Igor Lyubchyk

The research issue peculiarities of wide Russian propaganda among the most Western ethnographic group – Lemkies is revealed in the article. The character and orientation of Russian and Soviet agitation through the social, religious and social movements aimed at supporting Russian identity in the region are traced. Tragic pages during the First World War were Thalrogian prisons for Lemkas, which actually swept Lemkivshchyna through Muscovophilian influences. Agitation for Russian Orthodoxy has provoked frequent cases of sharp conflicts between Lemkas. In general, attempts by moskvophile agitators to impose russian identity on the Orthodox rite were failed. Taking advantage of the complex socio-economic situation of Lemkos, Russian campaigners began to promote moving to the USSR. Another stage of Russian propaganda among Lemkos began with the onset of the Second World War. Throughout the territory of the Galician Lemkivshchyna, Soviet propaganda for resettlement to the USSR began rather quickly. During the dramatic events of the Second World War and the post-war period, despite the outbreaks of the liberation movement, among the Lemkoswere manifestations of political sympathies oriented toward the USSR. Keywords: borderlands, Lemkivshchyna, Lemky, Lemkivsky schism, Moskvophile, Orthodoxy, agitation, ethnopolitics


Author(s):  
Benjamin Mangrum

This chapter argues that ongoing concerns about the rise of totalitarianism led writers and intellectuals in the United States to oppose social-democratic institutions after the Second World War. Familiar accounts about opposition to these institutions center on conservative politics. In contrast, this chapter argues that liberal thinkers invoked forms of aestheticism to combat what they perceived as the possible rise of totalitarianism in the United States. In order to document this under-explored trend in American political culture, this chapter establishes connections across writing by Lionel Trilling, Vladimir Nabokov, Hannah Arendt, Friedrich Hayek, the New Critics, and the American reception of Friedrich Nietzsche. These figures in postwar cultural life invoked aestheticism in the arenas of literature, philosophy, political action, and economics as a prophylactic to the perceived intrusions of an activist-managerial state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35
Author(s):  
Catherine Vézina

El Programa Bracero, creado por Estados Unidos y México en 1942 durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se mantuvo hasta 1964. Los estudios sobre este programa señalan la importancia de los intereses domésticos de Estados Unidos para explicar la longevidad del mismo. El presente artículo se enfoca en los factores estratégicos propios de la lógica de la Guerra Fría que intervinieron en la decisión de mantener o cancelar este programa bilateral de trabajo temporal agrícola. Mediante un examen atento sobre la época del auge y del declive del programa, se replantean estos debates dentro del contexto nacional, pero también bilateral y panamericano. The Bracero Program, created by the United States and Mexico during the Second World War, survived until 1964. Studies that look at this program generally signal the importance of domestic factors in the United States to explain its longevity. This article analyzes dynamics of Cold War logic that played a role in the decision of whether to maintain or cancel this bilateral program for migratory agricultural work. By carefully examining the rise and fall of the program, these debates are reconsidered within a national context, as well as one that is bilateral and Pan-American.


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