The Extradition of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, 1959–63: Practical Precedent for Enforcement of Administrative Honesty?

1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Ewell
Keyword(s):  
Public Official ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Good Will ◽  
Judicial Action

Honesty in high public office has always been difficult to enforce. Arguments of executive privilege often block prosecution of presidents who have illicitly enriched themselves; likewise, the divisiveness which accompanies judicial action against a head of state contributes to the reluctance of politicians to initiate such action. When the public official in question is living in exile, the task of the courts is compounded. Prosecution then may depend upon the existence of an extradition treaty in which the alleged crimes are specified and upon the good will of the country where the politician enjoys asylum.

scholarly journals Ladies of Empire: Governors' Wives in New Zealand, 1887-1926

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sarah Burgess
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Public Official ◽  
Gender Performativity ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Events ◽  
Late Nineteenth

<p>Across the years 1887 to 1926, at a time when the British Empire was at its height, nine governors and their wives took up vice-regal office in New Zealand. This study is concerned with the public enactment of the position of vice-regal wives’ in New Zealand in these years. It explores what it meant for a woman to be a public figure with a prominent profile and at the same time a wife within a marriage during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In doing so, the thesis looks at three distinct aspects of vice-regal life, as played out in public: official vice-regal ceremony and social life; involvement in voluntary welfare and women’s imperialist organisations; and the display of vice-regal life through governors’ wives’ appearance and the furnishing of Government House. Of key concern is the way in which these aspects of vice-regal life are conveyed to the public through newspapers, and so Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is considered as a way to think about the position occupied by governors’ wives.  As women married to men in public office, governors’ wives occupied a particular position and space within the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The position was defined and created through marriage and through the enactment of the duties of vice-regal office. Governors' wives were present at vice-regal ceremonies and social events as both witnesses and wives; they involved themselves with voluntary welfare and imperialist organisations with a particular focus on women as mothers and contributors to Empire; and through their dress and the decoration of Government House governors’ wives presented a display of their suitability for holding vice-regal office. The enactment of these duties over the period from 1887 to 1926 was remarkably consistent. Alongside this a degree of change occurred in the recognition afforded to governors’ wives in the fulfilment of vice-regal office.</p>

scholarly journals Ladies of Empire: Governors' Wives in New Zealand, 1887-1926

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sarah Burgess
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Public Official ◽  
Gender Performativity ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Events ◽  
Late Nineteenth

<p>Across the years 1887 to 1926, at a time when the British Empire was at its height, nine governors and their wives took up vice-regal office in New Zealand. This study is concerned with the public enactment of the position of vice-regal wives’ in New Zealand in these years. It explores what it meant for a woman to be a public figure with a prominent profile and at the same time a wife within a marriage during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In doing so, the thesis looks at three distinct aspects of vice-regal life, as played out in public: official vice-regal ceremony and social life; involvement in voluntary welfare and women’s imperialist organisations; and the display of vice-regal life through governors’ wives’ appearance and the furnishing of Government House. Of key concern is the way in which these aspects of vice-regal life are conveyed to the public through newspapers, and so Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is considered as a way to think about the position occupied by governors’ wives.  As women married to men in public office, governors’ wives occupied a particular position and space within the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The position was defined and created through marriage and through the enactment of the duties of vice-regal office. Governors' wives were present at vice-regal ceremonies and social events as both witnesses and wives; they involved themselves with voluntary welfare and imperialist organisations with a particular focus on women as mothers and contributors to Empire; and through their dress and the decoration of Government House governors’ wives presented a display of their suitability for holding vice-regal office. The enactment of these duties over the period from 1887 to 1926 was remarkably consistent. Alongside this a degree of change occurred in the recognition afforded to governors’ wives in the fulfilment of vice-regal office.</p>

scholarly journals COMBATING CORRUPTION: SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE USE OF THE OFFENCE AND THE TORT OF MISCONDUCT/MISFEASANCE IN A PUBLIC OFFICE

2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hatchard
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Public Official ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public

After several years of controversy and uncertainty, on 8 April 2010 the Bribery Act 2010 received the Royal Assent. The Act swept away the unsatisfactory, fragmented and complex corruption offences at common law and under the Prevention of Corruption Acts 1889-1916 and in their place created two general corruption offences (the offence of bribing another person and the offence of being bribed, each of which may be committed in the public or private sector), a discrete offence of the bribery of a foreign public official and an entirely new offence of failure by a commercial organisation to prevent a bribe being paid.

scholarly journals The representation of the Spanish Crown in the public sphere through institutional acts

2021 ◽  
pp. 315-332
Author(s):  
Marta Pulido-Polo ◽  
Mª-Dolores-del-Mar Sánchez-González ◽  
Lola Luque-Crespo
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Computer Processing ◽  
Public Official ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Statistical Software ◽  
The Public ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Web

The main objective of this work is to analyse how the representation in the public sphere of the Crown and the Head of the Spanish State is managed towards public opinion through public, official, and unofficial institutional acts, as reported by the House of H. M. the King. To answer the research questions contained in this objective, a quantitative methodological design based on content analysis is carried out (Krippendorff, 2002). This is applied to a corpus of the 996 public, official, and unofficial acts, contained in the web institution of the House of H. M. the King, between 2015 and 2019, for its subsequent computer processing with SPSS statistical software. Through the concept of intramethod triangulation, a qualitative analysis is applied in an auxiliary way to answer RQ3. The results show not only that the presence of the Royal Family, in the acts observed, contributes towards the public staging of its constitutional functions, but also that there is a map of specific audiences on which the Royal House projects pertinent legitimising messages (regarding the Crown and the Head of State) based on perceived social demands. This confirms the existence of a dialogical communication system, supported by a strategic conception of Crown-society relations, which is resolved mainly through ceremonial acts.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Fiduciary Principles and Public Offices

2019 ◽  
pp. 302-322
Author(s):  
Ethan J. Leib ◽  
Stephen R. Galoob
Keyword(s):  
Administrative Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Normative Structure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Positive Law

This chapter examines how fiduciary principles apply to public offices, focusing on what it means for officeholders to comport themselves to their respective public roles appropriately. Public law institutions can operate in accordance with fiduciary norms even when they are enforced differently from the remedial mechanisms available in private fiduciary law. In the public sector, fiduciary norms are difficult to enforce directly and the fiduciary norms of public office do not overlap completely with the positive law governing public officials. Nevertheless, core fiduciary principles are at the heart of public officeholding, and public officers need to fulfill their fiduciary role obligations. This chapter first considers three areas of U.S. public law whose fiduciary character reinforces the tenet that public office is a public trust: the U.S. Constitution’s “Emoluments Clauses,” administrative law, and the law of judging. It then explores the fiduciary character of public law by looking at the deeper normative structure of public officeholding, placing emphasis on how public officeholders are constrained by the principles of loyalty, care, deliberation, conscientiousness, and robustness. It also compares the policy implications of the fiduciary view of officeholding with those of Dennis Thompson’s view before concluding with an explanation of how the application of fiduciary principles might differ between public and private law settings and how public institutions might be designed or reformed in light of fiduciary norms.

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