scholarly journals Ladies of Empire: Governors' Wives in New Zealand, 1887-1926

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sarah Burgess

<p>Across the years 1887 to 1926, at a time when the British Empire was at its height, nine governors and their wives took up vice-regal office in New Zealand. This study is concerned with the public enactment of the position of vice-regal wives’ in New Zealand in these years. It explores what it meant for a woman to be a public figure with a prominent profile and at the same time a wife within a marriage during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In doing so, the thesis looks at three distinct aspects of vice-regal life, as played out in public: official vice-regal ceremony and social life; involvement in voluntary welfare and women’s imperialist organisations; and the display of vice-regal life through governors’ wives’ appearance and the furnishing of Government House. Of key concern is the way in which these aspects of vice-regal life are conveyed to the public through newspapers, and so Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is considered as a way to think about the position occupied by governors’ wives.  As women married to men in public office, governors’ wives occupied a particular position and space within the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The position was defined and created through marriage and through the enactment of the duties of vice-regal office. Governors' wives were present at vice-regal ceremonies and social events as both witnesses and wives; they involved themselves with voluntary welfare and imperialist organisations with a particular focus on women as mothers and contributors to Empire; and through their dress and the decoration of Government House governors’ wives presented a display of their suitability for holding vice-regal office. The enactment of these duties over the period from 1887 to 1926 was remarkably consistent. Alongside this a degree of change occurred in the recognition afforded to governors’ wives in the fulfilment of vice-regal office.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sarah Burgess

<p>Across the years 1887 to 1926, at a time when the British Empire was at its height, nine governors and their wives took up vice-regal office in New Zealand. This study is concerned with the public enactment of the position of vice-regal wives’ in New Zealand in these years. It explores what it meant for a woman to be a public figure with a prominent profile and at the same time a wife within a marriage during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In doing so, the thesis looks at three distinct aspects of vice-regal life, as played out in public: official vice-regal ceremony and social life; involvement in voluntary welfare and women’s imperialist organisations; and the display of vice-regal life through governors’ wives’ appearance and the furnishing of Government House. Of key concern is the way in which these aspects of vice-regal life are conveyed to the public through newspapers, and so Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is considered as a way to think about the position occupied by governors’ wives.  As women married to men in public office, governors’ wives occupied a particular position and space within the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The position was defined and created through marriage and through the enactment of the duties of vice-regal office. Governors' wives were present at vice-regal ceremonies and social events as both witnesses and wives; they involved themselves with voluntary welfare and imperialist organisations with a particular focus on women as mothers and contributors to Empire; and through their dress and the decoration of Government House governors’ wives presented a display of their suitability for holding vice-regal office. The enactment of these duties over the period from 1887 to 1926 was remarkably consistent. Alongside this a degree of change occurred in the recognition afforded to governors’ wives in the fulfilment of vice-regal office.</p>


1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Ewell

Honesty in high public office has always been difficult to enforce. Arguments of executive privilege often block prosecution of presidents who have illicitly enriched themselves; likewise, the divisiveness which accompanies judicial action against a head of state contributes to the reluctance of politicians to initiate such action. When the public official in question is living in exile, the task of the courts is compounded. Prosecution then may depend upon the existence of an extradition treaty in which the alleged crimes are specified and upon the good will of the country where the politician enjoys asylum.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Niehaus

When former state president C. Wulff stood accused of having received benefits from a film producer known to him for several years, he argued: “Is a politician not entitled to have friends?” Before such background, the question of where to draw the line between social life of a public servant or politician and criminal behavior arises. Are such persons subject to permanent threat of criminal prosecution if they accept invitations etc., or is it their obligation to the general public to refrain from accepting donations from persons who have interests in their decisions, even if these persons are long known friends of the public servant?


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Stephen Robert John Clarke

<p>At first glance, Joseph Evison's life was a confusion of convictions and contradictions, played out in the pages of the many newspapers he edited and wrote for in New Zealand and Australia. A late nineteenth-century Freethinker, he would go on to edit a Catholic newspaper, just as he would readily criticise the British Empire, in spite of serving in its army and navy. Despite his obvious intricacies, historians have not been kind to Evison, reducing him to a mere one line curiosity, implying that he shifted causes to follow the money or because he was a simple contrarian at heart. However, Evison's unsettled nature means a study of his life and ideologies adds to a number of other histories including those of Freethought, Catholicism, conservatism, colonial settlers, empire, transmission of ideas, reader culture and biographical studies. This thesis therefore attempts to chronicle Evison's life, before arguing that his changing causes was down to deep-seated secularist and libertarian convictions, which left him always fighting for what he perceived as the underdog, against both the state and the Protestant majority. To do so, it not only studies his writing, which remains vibrant and engaging even today, but also his editing style at various newspapers and his speeches during a short-lived political career.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Stephen Robert John Clarke

<p>At first glance, Joseph Evison's life was a confusion of convictions and contradictions, played out in the pages of the many newspapers he edited and wrote for in New Zealand and Australia. A late nineteenth-century Freethinker, he would go on to edit a Catholic newspaper, just as he would readily criticise the British Empire, in spite of serving in its army and navy. Despite his obvious intricacies, historians have not been kind to Evison, reducing him to a mere one line curiosity, implying that he shifted causes to follow the money or because he was a simple contrarian at heart. However, Evison's unsettled nature means a study of his life and ideologies adds to a number of other histories including those of Freethought, Catholicism, conservatism, colonial settlers, empire, transmission of ideas, reader culture and biographical studies. This thesis therefore attempts to chronicle Evison's life, before arguing that his changing causes was down to deep-seated secularist and libertarian convictions, which left him always fighting for what he perceived as the underdog, against both the state and the Protestant majority. To do so, it not only studies his writing, which remains vibrant and engaging even today, but also his editing style at various newspapers and his speeches during a short-lived political career.</p>


Itinerario ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-390
Author(s):  
Lachy Paterson

AbstractOver sixteen months in 1857 and 1858, Walter Buller produced a weekly newspaper for Māori of the Wellington region in their own language. Although he was the son of a Wesleyan missionary and an official interpreter, the niupepa was neither a church nor a government publication, although it promoted discourses favoured by both. A number of niupepa had preceded Buller's Te Karere o Poneke, the first appearing in 1842, but his paper was distinctive in the sizable platform he provided for correspondence. Over half of the items printed comprised letters from Māori, many of them commenting on, and occasionally critiquing the colonial milieu.The concept of “public sphere” is heavily theorized, often postulated in acultural terms (although suspiciously European in form) and it is debatable if Te Karere o Poneke's readership and their engagement with the textual discourse meet the theory's required criteria of constituting a public sphere. New Zealand was annexed to the British Empire in 1840, meaning that by 1857 colonization was still a relatively new phenomenon, but with substantial immigration and a developing infrastructure, change was both extensive and dynamic. According to the theory, it may be difficult to apply the concept of “public sphere” to Māori anytime during the changing contexts of nineteenth-century colonialism, and indeed other colonised cultures for whom the advent of literacy, Christianity, market economy and colonial administration had been sudden and unexpected. Of course this does not mean that Māori lacked a voice, at times critical. Using Te Karere o Poneke as a case study, this essay argues that Wellington Māori of 1857 do not readily fit the Western model of the “public sphere”, but they nevertheless utilized the discursive spaces available to them to discuss and evaluate the world they now encountered.


2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hatchard

After several years of controversy and uncertainty, on 8 April 2010 the Bribery Act 2010 received the Royal Assent. The Act swept away the unsatisfactory, fragmented and complex corruption offences at common law and under the Prevention of Corruption Acts 1889-1916 and in their place created two general corruption offences (the offence of bribing another person and the offence of being bribed, each of which may be committed in the public or private sector), a discrete offence of the bribery of a foreign public official and an entirely new offence of failure by a commercial organisation to prevent a bribe being paid.


2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Morrison

AbstractUsing a largely 'non-metropole' perspective, this article seeks to shed further light on New Zealand's Protestant missionary movement in the decades of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. It argues that New Zealand missionaries and their supporters, in the period of 'high imperialism', held a range of both positive and negative positions towards the Empire. The article outlines the general contours of New Zealand Protestant missionary thinking about the British Empire, contours that reflected wider 'British' opinion of the period. However, it also argues that patterns of geographical and organisational affiliation both supported and confounded this thinking, which was complicated by the intersection of localised and globalising influences. The article considers certain missionary 'sites' of operation and influence as well as denominational and other factors. It situates its argument both in the context of debate over historiographical paradigms for settler societies like New Zealand, and in recent attempts to locate discussion of mission and imperialism within more discretely defined temporal and geographical parameters. En partant d'une perspective largement «non-métropolitaine,» cet article vise à éclairer d'une lumière nouvelle le mouvement missionnaire protestant néo-zélandais durant les dernières décennies du 19e siècle et le début du 20e siècle. Il montre que les missionnaires néo-zélandais et leurs soutiens adoptèrent, durant la période de l'«impérialisme triomphant,» une série d'attitudes à la fois positives et négatives en relation à l'Empire. L'article dessine les contours de la pensée du mouvement missionnaire néo-zélandais par rapport à l'Empire, et montre en quoi elle était le reflet de l'opinion «britannique» de l'époque. Cependant, l'implantation géographique et les affiliations organisationnelles des missionnaires, si elles étaient parfois en adéquation avec cette pensée, la contredisaient également, à l'interface entre influence locales et globales. L'article considère enfin certains «sites» missionnaires d'activité et d'influence ainsi que des facteurs confessionnels et autres. Il se situe à la fois au sein de débats historiographiques a propos des sociétés de colons comme la Nouvelle Zélande, et dans les tentatives récentes de recentrer la discussion à propos de la mission et de l'impérialisme dans une temporalité et un espace définis par des paramètres plus fins.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anathasia Citra

<p>ABSTRACT. This study aims to look at the application of the application of Reputation Marketing by a Public<br />Figure in maintaining a good image. How does the use of Reputation Marketing in the entertainment industry can<br />affect the continuity of the career of a Public Figure. The careers of a Public Figure who work in the entertainment<br />industry is very vulnerable, if marketing strategies and maintain a good self image are not implemented. This<br />study takes Hilbram Dunar as the subject. He works as a television host, radio host,MC, entertainer and author<br />who began his career in 1996, while maintaining good image to date. With the concept of Reputation Marketing,<br />author examined his personal branding, personal and social life to his choice of words and topics in social media.<br />This research will contribute ideas to the study of communication with the subject about the image, personal<br />branding, reputation marketing and reputation marketing in the era of internet, and provide practical ideas for<br />public figures who work in the entertainment industry. This research is a descriptive study with a qualitative<br />approach. The results of this study found that the application of Reputation Marketing is very appropriate to<br />maintain a good image of a Public Figure who works in the entertainment industry. With the development of<br />technology, especially the new media such as the various social media such as twitter and path, a public figure<br />must have his own positioning of the image that he wants to convey to the public and must maintain consistency.<br />In addition, there are things that must be avoided in order to maintain reputation. Reputation is important for the<br />career of a Public Figure and good image is not easy to maintain. The application of Reputation Marketing for<br />Public Figure has the same function like a product, which is for generating profit. A good image of a Public<br />Figure becomes a commodity which will have an impact on the sustainability of his career.</p>


2010 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Hochschild

Abstract The author surveys three times and places where the public history of certain events has changed radically over time. The mass killings and arrests of the Stalinist Soviet Union were deliberately ignored for decades afterwards, then drew intense attention in the Gorbachev years. The end of British Empire slavery was for a century or more ascribed to British virtue and generosity; today we pay far more attention to the role of slave revolts. And Belgium officially ignored the murderous slave labor regime King Leopold II imposed on the Congo in the late nineteenth century until the last decade or so.


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