Das Amt in einer Gesellschaft der Singularitäten (The Public Office in the Society of Singularities)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armin Steinbach
Keyword(s):  
Public Office ◽  
The Public

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Fiduciary Principles and Public Offices

2019 ◽  
pp. 302-322
Author(s):  
Ethan J. Leib ◽  
Stephen R. Galoob
Keyword(s):  
Administrative Law ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Normative Structure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Positive Law

This chapter examines how fiduciary principles apply to public offices, focusing on what it means for officeholders to comport themselves to their respective public roles appropriately. Public law institutions can operate in accordance with fiduciary norms even when they are enforced differently from the remedial mechanisms available in private fiduciary law. In the public sector, fiduciary norms are difficult to enforce directly and the fiduciary norms of public office do not overlap completely with the positive law governing public officials. Nevertheless, core fiduciary principles are at the heart of public officeholding, and public officers need to fulfill their fiduciary role obligations. This chapter first considers three areas of U.S. public law whose fiduciary character reinforces the tenet that public office is a public trust: the U.S. Constitution’s “Emoluments Clauses,” administrative law, and the law of judging. It then explores the fiduciary character of public law by looking at the deeper normative structure of public officeholding, placing emphasis on how public officeholders are constrained by the principles of loyalty, care, deliberation, conscientiousness, and robustness. It also compares the policy implications of the fiduciary view of officeholding with those of Dennis Thompson’s view before concluding with an explanation of how the application of fiduciary principles might differ between public and private law settings and how public institutions might be designed or reformed in light of fiduciary norms.

The Extradition of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, 1959–63: Practical Precedent for Enforcement of Administrative Honesty?

1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Ewell
Keyword(s):  
Public Official ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Good Will ◽  
Judicial Action

Honesty in high public office has always been difficult to enforce. Arguments of executive privilege often block prosecution of presidents who have illicitly enriched themselves; likewise, the divisiveness which accompanies judicial action against a head of state contributes to the reluctance of politicians to initiate such action. When the public official in question is living in exile, the task of the courts is compounded. Prosecution then may depend upon the existence of an extradition treaty in which the alleged crimes are specified and upon the good will of the country where the politician enjoys asylum.

Technique for Prediction of Outcome of Election of National Leaders

1968 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 1003-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter F. Merenda ◽  
Walter V. Clarke
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Image Analysis ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Personality Profiles ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The Public

A technique is presented for evaluating the degree of support a candidate for national public office is likely to have at the polls. The technique involves the use of an adjective check list, Activity Vector Analysis (AVA), for which forms are available in French, Spanish, German, and Italian. Data are presented and discussed relative to a study made by the authors using this technique of public-image analysis just prior to the 1964 presidential elections in the United States. The data are based on the personality profiles of Johnson and Goldwater obtained from the public images held of these two candidates by 672 adults drawn from a population of voters representing a wide geographical distribution in the United States. From comparisons of the Ss' perceptions of Johnson and Goldwater and of the public image of each with an “ideal” President's profile established in an earlier study, no wide discrepancies were found between the public perceptions of the two major Presidential candidates in the 1964 elections in the U.S. However, the broad implications of the study are that, in forecasting the outcomes of the presidential elections, public-image analysis is likely to be confounded by the phenomenon of selective perception as it is related to party affiliation. The technique has promise as a possible method for evaluating the relative appeal of candidates for public office.

scholarly journals Johannes Althusius' Grand Federalism, the Role of the Ephors and Post-Statist Constitutionalism

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Koos J Malan
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The Public ◽  
Jean Bodin ◽  
Sacred And Profane ◽  
The Family ◽  
Liberal Individualism

This article discusses the primary structures Johannes Althusius’ constitutionalism, as explained in his Politica: Politics Methodically Set Forth and Illustrated with Sacred and Profane Examples published in 1603. The first of these structures and the theme that Althusius is most famous for, is his scheme of grand republican federalism. The second is the public office of the ephors. The discussion is not primarily historical, however. The main aim, instead, is to assess the potential relevance of Althusius’ thinking for present-day constitutionalism. After centuries of at best scant relevance owing to the dominance of the statist paradigm in constitutional doctrine and practice, the decline of this paradigm is now creating considerable new interest in Althusius’ thinking. The discussion starts off with a concise account of the statist paradigm, which was at its advent in Althusius’ days. Thereafter follows an exposition of his federalism which consists of a set of associations, beginning with the closest-knit association, namely the family, spiralling out into the most encompassing association, which is the commonwealth or realm, with collegia, cities and provinces in between. The office of the supreme magistrate is dealt with under this heading. This discussion also focusses pertinently on the question of sovereignty, which in Althusian conceptualisation was a diffuse popular sovereignty in contrast to that of his statist opponents, more specifically Jean Bodin, and in posterity, Thomas Hobbes. Then follows an assessment of the public office of the (council of the) ephors, which assists the supreme magistrate in executing his responsibilities in accordance with the law and the covenant between the commonwealth and the magistrate and serves a as counterbalance of authority and power against the sovereign. Against this backdrop Althusius’ constitutional thinking is evaluated. First, his constitutionalism is placed in historical context in contrast to (1) classical polis-based thought; (2) medieval imperial thinking and (3) modern statist constitutionalism. Secondly, Althusius’ communitarian anthropology, which is in part the basis for his federalism, and which constitutes an anticipatory response to liberal individualism is assessed. Lastly it is argued that Althusius’ federalism provides a valuable source for improving on the state-departmentalisation of power separation and checks and balances, currently still sway in terms of the statist paradigm.     

scholarly journals A Commitment to Public Office Ethics Reduces the Administrative Corruption Manifestation in Sudan

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-62
Author(s):  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Adil Hasan Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Internet Access ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public ◽  
Corporate Transparency ◽  
Descriptive Approach

This paper dealt with the issue of a commitment to the public office ethics reduces the administrative corruption manifestations in Sudan. The purpose of this paper is to find out what are the administrative corruption manifestations and how the commitment to the public office ethics contributes in the decreasing of administrative corruption forms. This paper depends on the literature review and uses descriptive approach in order to describe the forms of corruption which are related to the administration. Qualitative method has been followed in this work because, according to the view of the researcher, it is acceptable for this kind of study. The findings show that, embezzlement, extortion, exploitation of public position, forgery, deception, mediation, nepotism, favouritism and gifts to the public office are all shapes of administrative corruption that are pervasive in Sudan, Also, it indicates that, high levels of corporate transparency (auditing and reporting) and high Internet access can be beneficial in Sudan, that by combating corruption in the public sector and adopting effective policies to encourage the development of the private sector. Likewise, increase of salaries and wages for public sector workers can contribute in corruption reduction.  The study recommends strongly to implement the principles of ethics of public offices, and law should be set in order to organize the bad morals of individuals in government agencies in Sudan.

scholarly journals Ladies of Empire: Governors' Wives in New Zealand, 1887-1926

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sarah Burgess
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Public Official ◽  
Gender Performativity ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Events ◽  
Late Nineteenth

<p>Across the years 1887 to 1926, at a time when the British Empire was at its height, nine governors and their wives took up vice-regal office in New Zealand. This study is concerned with the public enactment of the position of vice-regal wives’ in New Zealand in these years. It explores what it meant for a woman to be a public figure with a prominent profile and at the same time a wife within a marriage during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In doing so, the thesis looks at three distinct aspects of vice-regal life, as played out in public: official vice-regal ceremony and social life; involvement in voluntary welfare and women’s imperialist organisations; and the display of vice-regal life through governors’ wives’ appearance and the furnishing of Government House. Of key concern is the way in which these aspects of vice-regal life are conveyed to the public through newspapers, and so Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is considered as a way to think about the position occupied by governors’ wives.  As women married to men in public office, governors’ wives occupied a particular position and space within the British Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The position was defined and created through marriage and through the enactment of the duties of vice-regal office. Governors' wives were present at vice-regal ceremonies and social events as both witnesses and wives; they involved themselves with voluntary welfare and imperialist organisations with a particular focus on women as mothers and contributors to Empire; and through their dress and the decoration of Government House governors’ wives presented a display of their suitability for holding vice-regal office. The enactment of these duties over the period from 1887 to 1926 was remarkably consistent. Alongside this a degree of change occurred in the recognition afforded to governors’ wives in the fulfilment of vice-regal office.</p>

scholarly journals La nueva política lingüística en el País Vasco Norte

2019 ◽  
pp. 403-460
Author(s):  
Eguzki URTEAGA
Keyword(s):  
Local Governance ◽  
Basque Country ◽  
Advisory Board ◽  
Public Works ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public ◽  
Politica Publica ◽  
The One ◽  
Pais Vasco

LABURPENA: 2004ko urteak inflexio-puntua markatu zuen Ipar Euskal Herrian landu eta ondoren ezarritako hizkuntza politikan; batez ere, Hizkuntza Politikarako Obragintza Publikoa Euskararen Erakunde Publiko (EEP) bilakatzearen ondorioz. Aldaketa horrek botere publikoen borondatea erakusten du, toki-gobernamenduan eskema klasikoago batera itzultzeko —alde batetik, administrazio publikoak, eta bestetik, elkarte-eragileak, aholku-batzorde batean bilduta—, bai eta haien asmo bat ere: euskara berpiztearen aldeko politika publiko handinahiago bat aurrera eramatea. Entitate berri horrek, interes publikoko elkargoaren forma juridikoa hartu baitu, misio edo eginkizun bikoitza du: euskararen aldeko hizkuntza politika publikoa eta hitzartua asmatzea, definitzea eta obratzea; eta behar diren finantza baliabideak bermatzea, bere egitasmoan ezarri dituen ekintzak edo obralari batzuekin hitzartu dituenak gauzatzeko. Euskararen Erakunde Publikoa da bere baitan diren erakundeen aginduz euskara berpizteko politika prestatzeko ardura duena. Lan horren ondorioz, 2006an, Hizkuntza Politika Proiektu bat sortu zen, epe labur eta ertaineko orientazioak eta helburuak finkatzen zituena, hala nola, jarraitu beharreko estrategia, eta programa operatibo bat, haiek lortzeko bidea zabalduko zuena, ahaztu gabe, jakina, jarraipen-adierazle batzuk, ebaluazioa errazte aldera. Politika horri ministerioarteko ebaluazio bikoitza egin zaio, zeinak ondorio hauek atera dituen, besteak beste: Euskararen Erakunde Publikoak esku-hartzeko duen gaitasuna areagotua, Eusko Jaurlaritzarekin lankidetza indartua, aurrerapen nabarmenak hezkuntzaren bidezko euskararen transmisioan, euskarazko baliabideen hobekuntza, eta Aholku Batzordeak ez duela bere tokia aurkitu. ABSTRACT: 2004 is a turning point in the linguistic policy elaborated and thereafter implemented in northern Basque Country, particularly because of the transformation of the Direction for the Public Works into the Public Office for the Basque Language. That change gives an account of the willingness of public authorities to go back to a classic scheme in the local governance with, on the one hand, public administrations and, on the other hand, associative actors gathered at the Advisory Board, and their wish to carry out a more ambitious public policy for the revitalization of Basque. This new entity, which acts as a public interest group, is equipped with a twofold function: to design, define and initiate a linguistic policy for the Basque; and to mobilize the necessary financial resources for its implementation. The elaboration of a policy for the linguistic revitalization was commissioned by its member institutions to the Public Office for the Basque Language. This effort results, in December 2006, in the drafting of a Project for a Linguistic policy that sets out the main guidelines and objectives to be achieved in the short and medium term together with the strategy to follow and an operative program to be applied in order to attain them; without neglecting some monitoring indicators in order to facilitate assessment. This policy has undergone a double interdepartmental assessment which concludes among others the increasing of the intervention ability by the Public Office for the Basque Language, an enhanced cooperation with the Basque Government, significant advances in the transmission of Basque by means of education, an improvement in euskera resources, but also an Advisory Board which has not found its rightful place yet. RESUMEN: El año 2004 marca un punto de inflexión en la política lingüística elaborada y posteriormente implementada en el País Vasco norte, en particular como consecuencia de la transformación de la Dirección de la Obra Pública en la Oficina Pública de la Lengua Vasca (OPLV). Ese cambio da cuenta de la voluntad de los poderes públicos de volver a un esquema más clásico en la gobernanza local, con, por un lado, las administraciones públicas, y, por otro, los actores asociativos reunidos en un Comité Consultivo, y de su deseo de llevar a cabo una política pública más ambiciosa a favor de la revitalización de la lengua vasca. Esta nueva entidad, que toma la forma jurídica de una Agrupación de Interés Público, es dotada de una doble misión: concebir, definir y poner en marcha una política lingüística a favor de la lengua vasca; y, movilizar los recursos financieros necesarios a su implementación. La OPLV es encargada por las instituciones que la componen de elaborar una política de revitalización lingüística. Esa labor desemboca, en diciembre de 2006, en la confección de un Proyecto de Política Lingüística que fija las grandes orientaciones y los objetivos a alcanzar a corto y medio plazo, así como la estrategia a seguir y un programa operativo a aplicar que permita alcanzarlos; sin omitir unos indicadores de seguimiento que faciliten su evaluación. Esta política ha sido objeto de una doble evaluación interministerial, que concluye, entre otros, a un incremento de la capacidad de intervención de la OPLV, a una cooperación reforzada con el Gobierno Vasco, a unos avances significativos en la transmisión de la lengua vasca a través de la enseñanza, a una mejora en los recursos en euskera, pero también, a un Comité Consultivo que no ha conseguido encontrar su lugar.

Donations Granted Amongst “Friends” in Public Office— Kindness or Corruption?—There Ain't No Such Thing as a Free Lunch

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Niehaus
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
General Public ◽  
Criminal Behavior ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
Free Lunch ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Servant ◽  
Film Producer

When former state president C. Wulff stood accused of having received benefits from a film producer known to him for several years, he argued: “Is a politician not entitled to have friends?” Before such background, the question of where to draw the line between social life of a public servant or politician and criminal behavior arises. Are such persons subject to permanent threat of criminal prosecution if they accept invitations etc., or is it their obligation to the general public to refrain from accepting donations from persons who have interests in their decisions, even if these persons are long known friends of the public servant?

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