State-Civil Society Cooperation and Conflict in the Spanish Empire: The Intellectual and Political Activities of the Ultramarine Consulados and Economic Societies, c. 1780–1810

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
GABRIEL B. PAQUETTE

This article analyses the intellectual and political activities of the newly-created consulados and Economic Societies in Spanish America between 1780 and 1810. It argues that these institutions decisively shaped both the formulation and implementation of metropolitan policy. Colonial elites used the consulados and Economic Societies as a vehicle to pursue licensed privilege and moderate, incremental reform in the context of a revivified, socio-economically stable Old Regime. They embraced the Bourbon reforms and used them to their advantage. Judging from consulado documents, the prevailing relationship between civil society and the state in Spanish America, at least until the late 1790s, was amicable and mutually supportive. After that time, mainly due to the disruption of Atlantic commerce, close co-operation gave way to conflict, but always within the framework of a cohesive empire. Drawing on archives in Argentina, Chile, Cuba and Spain, this essay traces the coalescence of numerous local intelligentsias that collaborated, to varying degrees, in the renovation of imperial governance and, simultaneously, incubated a robust public sphere in the nascent polities which gradually emerged after the collapse of Spanish royal authority in 1808.

Author(s):  
Sheila Fitzpatrick

The totalitarian nature of communist states is generally understood to exclude the existence of a public sphere sufficiently independent of the state to allow the expression of a range of opinions. However, popular opinion, if not a public sphere, did exist and it was monitored extensively by these states, since leaders needed to know about popular responses to their policies and campaigns. This essay explores the limits on the expression of popular opinion in the Soviet Union, China, and Eastern Europe, and the ways in which those limits shifted—and were challenged—over time. If it may be argued that the transformation of popular opinion into a ‘public sphere’ followed the collapse of communism in Poland, and possibly Hungary, ‘civil society’ was relatively insignificant in the collapse elsewhere (or indeed its persistence in the case of China).


Xihmai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (26) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Jaime Hidalgo González [1]

ResumenA partir de la reforma constitucional de junio de 2011, la obligación del Estado, desde su actuar integral de garantizar y tutelar los derechos humanos, generó una nueva dimensión desde la cual debemos entender y construir el Estado de Derecho. La Justicia Constitucional tiene como fines principales mantener la supremací­a constitucional, el equilibrio entre los poderes del Estado y la protección de las personas limitando el ejercicio de poder polí­tico a través de la aplicación de dos principios sustantivos y procedimentales: el principio de constitucionalidad y el principio de convencionalidad.Palabras clave: Estado, Sociedad Civil, Esfera Pública, Estado de Derecho, Justicia Constitucional, Derechos Humanos.AbstractSince the constitution reform of june 2011 the obligation of the State from his responsibility of guarantee and protect human rights generated a new dimension from which we must understand and build the Rule of Law. The Constitutional Justice has as main goals keep the constitutional supremacy, the balance between the powers of the State and the protection of the individuals by limiting the exercise of political power through the application of the principles of constitutionally and conventionality.Keywords: State, Civil Society, Public Sphere, Rule of Law, Constitutional Justice, Human Rights.    [1] Egresado de la Licenciatura en Derecho de la Universidad La Salle Pachuca. Profesor de Derecho Constitucional y Procesal Constitucional en la misma Universidad. Cuenta con estudios sobre Sociedad Civil e Instituciones Democráticas, Metodologí­as de Investigación Cualitativa y Cuantitativa, desarrollo de análisis legislativo, así­ como para la planeación, implementación y evaluación de Indicadores de Gestión y Evaluación de Polí­ticas Públicas. Ha publicado diversos artí­culos académicos sobre Ciudadaní­a, Democracia, Derechos Humanos, Análisis Constitucional y Comportamiento Electoral. Es miembro del Centro de Estudios Constitucionales y Derechos Humanos del Estado de Hidalgo.


2010 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Adelman

Abstract This essay explores the varieties of expressions of political violence during the revolutionary conjuncture, 1789 to 1821, across Spanish America from New Spain to Buenos Aires. It challenges some of the familiar ways in which historians have pointed to violence as an inevitable effect of the end of empire, and instead argues that violence became a means to engage in the political process that brought down empire. At the same time, it argues that the role of violence in bringing down the old regime and creating new institutions and habits of rule and protest was at least as important as the role of the public sphere and elections, which historians have recently accented. Indeed, the essay suggests ways in which historians of the public sphere might consider the rituals and languages of violence as part of public conduct, while it was the opening of the public sphere that created a means, or space, to push vindictive patterns of violence into more vindictive directions. Violence was not of a piece, a constant display of carnage. The essay accordingly seeks to illustrate the varieties of uses of political violence and its changes over time, from the first crises of the 1790s to the widespread savagery of the 1810s.


Author(s):  
Kenneth C. C. Yang ◽  
Yowei Kang

Weibo provides an alternative channel for many Chinese citizens to obtain non-censored news contents and share their opinions on public affairs. In this book chapter, the authors employed Jürgen Habermas's concept of public sphere to examine how Chinese Weibo users (i.e., microbloggers) make the most use of this social medium to form a public sphere to contest omnipresent state power. Habermas's analytical framework helps to better comprehend the role of social media and its interactions with other stakeholders in Chinese politics. The role of social media in shaping this less controlled sphere of political deliberation and participation was examined using a case study approach. The authors analyzed the Chinese Jasmine Revolution to discuss the interrelations among social media, civil society, state power, economic development, political process, and democratization in China. The case study identified Weibo's essential role as a device to bypass existing government censorship, to mobilize users, and to empower Chinese Internet users to engage in political activities to foster its nascent civil society.


Author(s):  
Kenneth C. C. Yang ◽  
Yowei Kang

Weibo provides an alternative channel for many Chinese citizens to obtain non-censored news contents and share their opinions on public affairs. In this book chapter, the authors employed Jürgen Habermas's concept of public sphere to examine how Chinese Weibo users (i.e., microbloggers) make the most use of this social medium to form a public sphere to contest omnipresent state power. Habermas's analytical framework helps to better comprehend the role of social media and its interactions with other stakeholders in Chinese politics. The role of social media in shaping this less controlled sphere of political deliberation and participation was examined using a case study approach. The authors analyzed the Chinese Jasmine Revolution to discuss the interrelations among social media, civil society, state power, economic development, political process, and democratization in China. The case study identified Weibo's essential role as a device to bypass existing government censorship, to mobilize users, and to empower Chinese Internet users to engage in political activities to foster its nascent civil society.


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter presents a conceptual framework for ideas about Islamic civil society and explores the meaning of civil society to Islamists themselves. An Islamic civil society does not differ in certain ways from a non-Islamic or secular civil society but embraces some of the same values (e.g., civility, tolerance) and roles (e.g., independent entities compensating for the deficiencies of the state). Another prominent theme is that Islam, both as a religion and as an expression of cultural identity, should not be relegated solely to the private sphere but should also be situated squarely in the public sphere. A third theme stressed compatibility between Islam and civil society, arguing that Islam contains all the requisite elements to form a civil society and that traditional Islamic society was indeed a version of civil society.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.


2002 ◽  
Vol 104 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Philip Kitley

For nearly 30 years, television in Indonesia was dominated by the state broadcaster TVRI and five commercial channels with very close links to former President Soeharto. In the reform period since Soeharto's resignation, there has been a new sense of public and publicness, an expansion of the public sphere and the break-up and re-imagination of the Indonesian audience. These developments have been led by media sector insiders. This paper argues that, despite the progressive work of new licensees and civil society media groups, it is media sector outsiders which are needed to lead television in Indonesia out from under the totalising, essentialist models of the past to establish televisi bangsa baru — television for a new nation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-409
Author(s):  
Jeong-Woo Koo

This article explores an East Asian parallel to the “structural transformation” of the European public sphere and civil society by studying private academies and Confucian literati petitions in Chosŏn Korea from 1506 to 1800. During this period, the Confucian literati emerged as the new public and challenged royal authority, engaging in a broad range of public activities through the academies and petitions. Voluntaristic and nongovernmental connections of private academies reveal aspects of a nascent civil society, whereas the rational-critical nature of petitioning indicates the formation of the public sphere in Chosŏn Korea. This analysis demonstrates a close historical association between the evolution of private academies and the development of petitions. This historical interplay confirms Jürgen Habermas's thesis that the public sphere arises from civil society.


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