Rhodesia: The Constitutional Conflict

1966 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
James P. Barber

The Rhodesian rebellion was announced by no whiff of grapeshot but by Mr Ian Smith declaiming that he and his colleagues, ‘in humble submission to Almighty God’, were giving Rhodesia a new constitution, ‘so that the dignity and freedom of all men may be assured’. Subsequently the rebellion has continued to centre around a constitutional dispute. Although there have been armed clashes between the Rhodesian security forces and some guerrilla fighters who have infiltrated from Zambia, there has been no conflict between the forces of the legal authority, the British Government, and those which obey the rebel régime.

2020 ◽  
pp. 118-150
Author(s):  
Molly Pucci

This chapter enters the Soviet Zone of Occupation in eastern Germany, where the first East German political police, K5, was formed to assist the Soviet occupiers in carrying out denazification investigations and conduct background checks on members of the new state administration. It provides a brief history of the Soviet security forces active in the Zone at the time, including the NKVD, headed by General Ivan Serov, and the NKGB, headed by Viktor Abakumov. It explores the context of occupation, denazification, and terror in which East German police officials were trained under these Soviet security authorities and the porous boundaries between Soviet and German legal authority in the Zone.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-168
Author(s):  
Bayram Unal

This study aims at understanding how the perceptions about migrants have been created and transferred into daily life as a stigmatization by means of public perception, media and state law implementations.  The focus would be briefly what kind of consequences these perceptions and stigmatization might lead. First section will examine the background of migration to Turkey briefly and make a summary of migration towards Turkey by 90s. Second section will briefly evaluate the preferential legal framework, which constitutes the base for official discourse differentiating the migrants and implementations of security forces that can be described as discriminatory. The third section deals with the impact of perceptions influential in both formation and reproduction of inclusive and exclusive practices towards migrant women. Additionally, impact of public perception in classifying the migrants and migratory processes would be dealt in this section.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-52
Author(s):  
Bonnie White

In 1917 the British government began making plans for post-war adjustments to the economy, which included the migration of surplus women to the dominions. The Society for the Overseas Settlement of British Women was established in 1920 to facilitate the migration of female workers to the dominions. Earlier studies have argued that overseas emigration efforts purposefully directed women into domestic service as surplus commodities, thus alleviating the female ‘surplus’ and easing economic hardships of the post-war period. This article argues that as Publicity Officer for the SOSBW, Meriel Talbot targeted women she believed would be ideal candidates for emigration, including former members of the Women's Land Army and affiliated groups. With the proper selection of female migrants, Talbot sought to expand work opportunities for women in the dominions beyond domestic service, while reducing the female surplus at home and servicing the connection between state and empire. Dominion authorities, whose demands for migrant labour vacillated between agricultural workers during the war years and domestic servants after 1920, disapproved of Talbot's efforts to migrate women for work in agriculture. Divergent policies led to the early failure of the SOSBW in 1923.


Author(s):  
Matt Eisenbrandt ◽  
Benjamín Cuéllar

In 1980, a death squad linked to business tycoons and military commanders murdered Archbishop Oscar Romero for denouncing widespread repression and poverty in El Salvador. Romero was known as the “voice of the voiceless,” and his criticism of the oligarchs who dominated the economy and the Security Forces that tortured and murdered civilians made Romero a military target. Two decades after his assassination, the Center for Justice & Accountability (CJA) found one of the conspirators, Álvaro Saravia, living in California and launched a wide-ranging investigation into the death squad and its financiers. This book chronicles the life and death of the Catholic martyr, examining his actions and situating his years as archbishop in the broader context of the Salvadoran clergy’s embrace of Liberation Theology. It also analyzes, through excerpts from witness interviews and trial testimony, the mindset of the death squad members, their leader Roberto D’Aubuisson, and their wealthy backers, that propelled them to want Romero dead. The U.S. government played an important and contradictory role in developing the death squads and funding the military from which they sprang while also investigating their crimes and seeking to keep them in check. Within this complicated historical context, the book provides a first-hand account of the investigation and U.S. legal case that led to the only court verdict ever reached for Archbishop Romero’s murder.


2004 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-165

By late August, the crisis that had been brewing between the prime minister and president came to a head; Abbas's government, though backed by the United States, had been undermined during its four months in office by deterioration on the ground and continuing tensions with Arafat, which centered in particular on control of the Palestinian security forces. Abbas's letter of resignation, published in al-Hayat on 9 September, was translated in Mideast Mirror the same day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina

In this paper, there will be analyzed the determinants of the inter-ethnic conflict that occurred in the Fergana Valley in the Kyrgyz city of Osh in June 2010. In such a phenomenon as an inter-ethnic conflict, it is rather difficult to find out a single cause of events; it is rather a set of economic, social, demographic, cultural and historical factors that are in a particular political context. And by the summer of 2010 a political context was formed: as a result of the April coup, there was a change of elites in the state power, which led to the struggle for the redistribution of economic power and resources. And in the conditions of connections of power and economic structures with the criminals, that was clearly manifested in the country on the eve of the conflict, the contradictions became ethnic. Despite the fact that this ethnic conflict was the result of objective contradictions caused by lack of resources (primarily land), low living standards, demographic and social problems, namely the change of political power in the country, instability, the struggle of criminal and mafia structures for power and influence became the trigger mechanisms that produced violence. There are various versions claiming to explain the events of June 2010, as well as to evaluate the actions of official structures during the conflict. Thus, the Uzbek side claimed that the security forces were inactive, ignored the attacks, in turn, the official authorities argued that the conflict was aggravated by unknown, allegedly foreign mercenaries, besides the Kyrgyz side referred to the police’s unwillingness to such events in the first days of the conflict. Therefore, an analysis of the causes of interethnic conflict in Osh will make it possible to identify the main vectors of instability in society, to identify the main actors to which measures of state influence should be directed in order to prevent possible relapses.


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