The Malawi Government and South African Labour Recruiters, 1974–92

1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wiseman Chijere Chirwa

In April 1974, 74 Malawian migrant labourers returning from work in South Africa died in a plane crash in Francistown, Botswana. Immediately, Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda, the then [Life] President of Malawi, banned all labour recruiting activities in his country. Miners on holiday were not allowed to go back to their jobs, and those under contract with the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA), known as Wenela, were to be repatriated — a decision that cost the South African mining industry some R7 million during the next two years. Thereafter, Dr Banda frequently boasted that ‘I have killed Wenela’, as for example on two public occasions in 1983: I have killed two recruiting agencies, the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, Wenela, in short, and the Rhodesian Native Labour Bureau, or Mthandii… They no longer recruit in Malawi. They have surrendered all their buildings to the government…, because the majority of the people have responded to my appeal to stay here and work in their gardens or on the estates.

Author(s):  
S. Mangaroo-Pillay ◽  
D. Botha

SYNOPSIS Historically, the mining industry, on a global level, was male-dominated, as many governments had prohibited women from working at mines, particularly underground. In South Africa, the government introduced the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (No. 28 of 2002) (MPRDA) and the Broad-based Socio-economic Empowerment Charter to address the imbalances and rectify previous inequalities in the mining industry. Since the inception of MPRDA, women's representation in the South African mining industry has increased, from 3% in 2002 to 15% in 2018. Although government has good intentions, gender equality in the mining industry remains a challenge. Research on women employed in South African mines revealed that women still face barriers to some extent. This research explores women's current workplace experiences in the South African mining industry. A literature review and an empirical study were conducted. The study followed a positivistic research approach, and a quantitative research design was used. Self-administered questionnaires were distributed at the 8th Annual Women in Mining Conference in February 2017. Based on the data obtained, it became evident that several aspects must still be addressed to successfully accommodate women in the mining workplace. The study offers practical recommendations that can be implemented by mining organizations to improve women's workplace experiences in order to encourage and foster transformation in the mining industry. Keywords: gender, mining industry, mining legislation, South Africa, women in mining.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. 162-176
Author(s):  
Maphelo Malgas ◽  
Bonginkosi Wellington Zondi

The basis of this article is an article published by Thomas (2012) whose objective was to track over a two-year period the performance of five strategic South African state-owned enterprises with regards to issues of governance. These enterprises were ESKOM, South African Airways (SAA), South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), Telkom, and Transnet. The paper revealed that there were serious transgressions in these entities and recommendations were made to address these. The aim of this article therefore was to establish whether or not the transgressions reported by Thomas are still happening within these entities. The data was collected from the 2014/2015, 2015/2016, 2016/2017, and 2017/2018 financial reports of these entities. The study revealed that the transgressions are still taking place. With regards to issues of sustainability SAA and SABC continue to make loses, with SAA continuing to be bailed out by the South African government against the will of the South African general public. Fruitless and wasteful expenditure increased in all the five entities mentioned above and no serious action has been taken by the South African government to hold the people responsible accountable. While Telkom, Transnet and Eskom were making profits these profits are not at the envisaged level.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Z. Bloom ◽  
Frederik J. Mostert

The need for some form of support from governmental sources to advance the tourism industry by means of financial and fiscal incentives has become a significant issue. This article provides a comparison of incentives found internationally with those available in South Africa. Various shortcomings pertaining to the types of incentives provided are discussed. The main aim of the paper is to analyse three incentive options in the context of tourism policy together with a decision matrix which could be used by the government to make a choice between alternative options. A conceptual framework is provided which could form the basis for the government in its choice of incentives. The implications and challenges of providing incentives for the tourism industry are discussed in the context of developing socio-political trends within the South African environment


First Monday ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Jolliffe

When Amartya Sen visited South Africa in 2004 he made the observation that Nelson Mandela’s long walk to freedom began on African soil. He implicitly recognised that we have in South Africa a long tradition of interpreting, articulating and striving for an ideal of freedom, which reflects the aspiration of the broad masses of our people. The clearest articulation of this struggle was the Freedom Charter, adopted by the congress of the people in Kliptown in 1955. The free software movement (and related efforts in the fields of science and culture) draws upon a tradition of freedom rooted in an American libertarian tradition. In this short paper, I underline the importance of aligning efforts to promote free software and free culture with the rich existing tradition embodied in the South African Freedom Charter. Doing so may require a reinterpretation, re–imagining and even perhaps a re–vocabularising of the digital commons if it is to succeed as as a social, technical and political project in South Africa.


Obiter ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Heleen van Niekerk

The social rules of standing and waiting in a queue do not require explanation. When queuing at the post office, supermarket, or the theatre entrance, it is common knowledge that someone trying to enter the queue at any place but the rear end will cause, to say the least, an unfriendly reaction. Leaving the queue without good reason and without discussing this with the person behind one, may very well lead to losing one’s place in the queue. There are nuances, of course, informed by other important social norms or common decency, such as allowing leniency to queuing decorum for the infirm or disabled; or to be reasonable in allowing someone back into the queue when he/she had to leave for a good reason and with the promise of return, for example, to fetch an ID document accidentally left in the car. Adherence to these rules and norms is an expression of the deeply democratic principle of “ordinality” – something going more commonly by the statement “first-come; first-served”. Very simply, with limited exceptions, the person that is first in the queue must be served first.The “first-come; first-served” principle is not only a social rule of queuing. The notion that priority must be given according to the time of arrival is a manifestation of distributive and procedural justice, and is also “one of the most primitive canons of property jurisprudence”. In South African mining law, the “first-come; first-served” principle is associated with the notion that overlapping applications for a licence to conduct extractive-related activities, must be processed in order of receipt. In the mining context, the application of rules related to queuing and the “first-come; first-served” principle is, of course, more complex in a social setting. The reason for this stems from the different, and at times conflicting, interests that must be taken into account. While a simple application of the “first-come; first-served” principle may benefit individual queuers, the government, for example, may be interested in granting rights to entities that have the best financial and technical skills to exploit a mineral deposit optimally. The government may also be interested in granting rights to entities that are best able to advance the objectives of transformation and equitable access to mineral resources.The decision in Aquila Steel (South Africa) Limited v Minister of Mineral Resources ((72248/15) [2016] ZAGPPHC 1071) presents a striking illustration of the importance of rules related to queuing in the South African mining industry. This illustration is even more vivid, taking into account legislative changes to the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act 28 of 2002 that were pending at the time of the judgment and that has subsequently taken effect. The judgment and legislative developments, furthermore, illustrate the interrelationship between the “first-come; first-served” principle and the notion of “exclusivity” as understood in the mining context.This case note discusses all aspects of the Aquila Steel judgment, but hones in on its implications for the queuing system in the South African mining context and, in particular, the relationship between the “first-come; first-served” principle and the notion of exclusivity.


1986 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
H. G. Van der Westhuizen

Marxism a Trojan horse Communism is not a direct danger at this moment in South Africa. Communism is fought against by the government. Terrorism is our daily enemy. Communism is forbidden by law. Albeit Marxism proceeds on a broad spectrum of South African life by the influence of certain academics, church leaders and politicians. The excuse is that Marxism is to be differentiated from Marxism-Leninism. The latter is supposed to be Communism. In this way Marxism eventually becomes the Trojan horse for Communism in the South African community.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karlien Kallmeyer ◽  
Melvin A Ambele ◽  
Chrisna Durandt ◽  
Graeme Ford ◽  
Simone Grobbelaar ◽  
...  

Since the report of the first COVID-19 infected person in South Africa, COVID-19 moved from being a distant threat to a new reality overnight. Metaphorically, COVID-19 could be described as rain, and in order to be protected one would need to stand under an umbrella. The fundamental question that stems from this is who is holding this protective umbrella? Is the government holding the umbrella or are we holding the umbrella? In this article/commentary/perspective, we briefly discuss the responsibility of the South African government and the individual during this global pandemic, the reasoning behind the implementation of lockdown and the consequences thereof. We conclude that both government and citizens need to cooperatively take responsibility and work together to fight COVID-19. The protective umbrella needs to be held by both government and by ourselves.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franzisca Luise Zanker ◽  
Khangelani Moyo

The South African response in dealing with the Corona pandemic needs to speak to the realities of all people living in the country, including migrant and refugee communities. Reflecting on this in light of ongoing research on the political stakes of migration governance, we find that the virus response shows little change in the government agenda when it comes to dealing with refugees and other migrants. Veritably, we see that the pandemic may even be an excuse for pushing through already-aspired to policies. This includes the securitised agenda behind the sudden building of a border fence to close off Zimbabwe and the xenophobic-rhetorical clout behind the lockdown rules about which shops are allowed to remain open. The temporary stay on renewing asylum seekers permits counts as a perfunctory exception. We show that each of these developments very much play into politics as usual.


Author(s):  
Felix Dube

The failure of the post-apartheid government to deliver on some of the promises of the South African Bill of Rights, coupled with the appropriation of the Bill of Rights by the international human rights movement, create the impression that the Bill of Rights is a neo-liberal instrument which is irrelevant to the needs of South Africans and the realities of their circumstances. If the people of South Africa are convinced that the Bill of Rights embraces a Western agenda more than it expresses their collective aspirations, it will lose its legitimacy. While acknowledging that the conception of the Bill of Rights is contested between the international human rights movement and some South Africans, this article shows that the Bill of Rights was neither adopted nor borrowed from the international human rights movement. South Africans did not assimilate the International Bill of Rights but conceived their own Bill of Rights in the early decades of the 20th Century. The conception of the South African Bill of Rights was a response to colonialism and apartheid and was not a consequence of tutelage by the international human rights movement.


Obiter ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiedza Simbo

Notwithstanding the enactment of the South African Constitution in 1996, 23 years later, the need to determine the scope and content of the right to basic education has been a battlefield for authors. Whilst authors battle, complaints are made about the South African government charging school fees for basic education, decreasing pass thresholds for matriculants, students learning in dilapidated classrooms, non-delivery of text books, unqualified teachers and many complaints reminiscent of a failing basic education system. Despite citizen attempts to take the government to court for specific violations relating to the provision of basic education, in the absence of a law of general application specifically unpacking the scope and content of the right to basic education in South Africa, an ultimate question remains, what is the scope and content of the right to basic education for the purposes of its implementation in South Africa? This paper attempts to determine the scope and content of section 29(1)(a) using an international law approach. After engaging the provisions of international law as well as writings by other authors, the conclusion is that, in relation to its scope and content, section 29(1)(a) is a hexagon right that is, a right comprising of six interrelated dimensions. The six dimensions are that, the right to basic education includes primary and secondary school attendance, the right to basic education includes compulsory and free attendance of both primary and secondary school and the right to basic education is an unqualified right. Further, the right to basic education is a minimum core content of the right to education, the right to basic education must be available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable and the quality standard of the right to basic education is explained by the World Declaration on Basic Education for All, 1990.


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