Identity and violence: the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo, Nigeria

2004 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Insa Nolte
Keyword(s):  
Political Identity ◽  
Cultural Practice ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Youth Politics ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Definition Of

This article examines the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo (henceforth Remo) from the 1950s to the present. The emergence of the politics of youth in the 1950s and 1960s drew on precolonial discourse and was closely associated with the emergence of Remo's anti-federal postcolonial political identity. Since Nigeria's political and economic decline in the mid-1980s, strong feelings of exclusion – strengthened further by the political sidelining of Yoruba-speaking politicians in national politics between 1993 and 1999 – have contributed to an increase of nationalist sentiment in Remo youth politics. This is enacted through secrecy, a reinvention and utilisation of ‘traditional’ cultural practice, and the growing definition of local identity through ethnic discourse. Traditionally, Remo youth and elite politics have legitimised and supported each other, but the cohesion between these groups has declined since the return to democracy in 1999. Rivalry and conflict over local and national resources have led to bitter intergroup fighting, and young men's strategies to combat social exclusion remain mostly individual.

scholarly journals The Rise of “Localism” and Civic Identity in Post-handover Hong Kong: Questioning the Chinese Nation-state

2017 ◽  
Vol 230 ◽  
pp. 323-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Veg
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Civic Identity ◽  
Cultural Identification ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
National Education ◽  
Democratic Community ◽  
Chinese Nation ◽  
Identity Discourses ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractWhile it was traditionally accepted that Hongkongers shared a form of pan-Chinese cultural identification that did not contradict their local distinctiveness, over the last decade Hong Kong has seen the rise of new types of local identity discourses. Most recently, “localists” have been a vocal presence. Hong Kong has – quite unexpectedly – developed a strong claim for self-determination. But how new is “localism” with respect to the more traditional “Hong Kong identity” that appeared in the 1970s? The present study takes a two-dimensional approach to study these discourses, examining not only their framework of identification (local versus pan-Chinese) but also their mode of identification (ethno-cultural versus civic). Using three case studies, the June Fourth vigil, the 2012 anti-National Education protest and the 2014 Umbrella movement, it distinguishes between groups advocating civic identification with the local community (Scholarism, HKFS) and others highlighting ethnic identification (Chin Wan). It argues that while local and national identification were traditionally not incompatible, the civic-based identification with a local democratic community, as advocated by most participants in recent movements, is becoming increasingly incompatible with the ethnic and cultural definition of the Chinese nation that is now being promoted by the Beijing government.

scholarly journals Nigerian youth, politics and the demand for τολμηρήηγεσία: A study on I Timothy 4:11–12

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ezichi A. Ituma ◽  
Prince E. Peters ◽  
Omaka K. Ngele ◽  
Paulinus O. Agbo
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Youth Politics ◽  
Political Election

One possible meaning of the Greek word τολμηρήηγεσία (bold leadership) among the ancient Greeks was bravery and astuteness in managing human and natural resources. In this study, it is used in the context of fearlessness and willingness of the Nigerian youth to take up governmental responsibilities in leadership positions, which is achievable either through demanding governmental appointments or contesting elections for political positions through a free and fair political election. With the use of exegesis and hermeneutics, this study on τολμηρήηγεσία refers to Paul’s instruction to Timothy regarding bold leadership in I Timothy 4:11–12. 1 Timothy 4:11–12 is contextually seen as a call on Nigerian youth to adopt as a prototype; young Timothy who the elderly Paul encouraged in his words, not to allow anyone, despise his youth. This is to the intent of challenging Nigerian youth to become more proactive in national politics and governance in order to help Nigeria register its presence in the competitive global technological and scientific arena.Contribution: The study tries to understand the age influence on Timothy and how Paul tried to deal with it. This enabled the study to be of use in addressing the challenges that Nigerian youth go through in order to have their voices heard in Nigerian politics and to also call on the youth to grow above timidity towards bold leadership.

scholarly journals WEST BANGKA JERIENG MALAY AND POLITICAL IDENTITY UNITY

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218
Author(s):  
Nur Zaini
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Identity

Political identity refers to a group or individual whose existence is seen through the symbols that indicate the existence of a particular group or individual. These symbols are in the forms of ethnic group, ethnicity, religion, language, culture, custom, habit, and party color. Political identity is a construction that determines the position of the subject's interest within the ties of the political community. This study aims to describe the characteristics and to find out the attempts conducted by Jerieng Malay ethnic group in order to strengthen their existence as a political identity unit. This study applied the theory of political identity proposed by T. K. Oommen who uses the term ethnification in the study of ethnic group and its dynamics. According to him, ethnification is a process that attempts to connect territory and culture. The method used in this study wasdescriptive qualitative. Further, the result of this study shows that in the process of characteristic development and the strengthening attempt conducted by Jerieng Malay ethnic group, there has been a re-ethnification in which the ethnification is not fully developed. Ethnification within the Jerieng Malay ethnic group is still fragmented in which a particular group has attempted to re-ethnize the local identity. However, this generates a fragmentation in society as the consequence of the deprivation of the historical division of local identity.

Russia and the West

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Capital ◽  
State System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
National Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
American Hegemony ◽  
The 1950S

Concentrating on the political and cultural capital that various elites have extracted from notions of the West, this chapter identifies four phases in the development of the most consistently articulated binary opposition in modern Russian culture: Russia’s entry into the European state system in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; the era of national awakening from the Napoleonic wars to the 1860s; the era of mass national politics and decolonization from the 1860s to the 1950s; and the era of American hegemony, globalization and European peace from the 1950s onwards which has eventually caused the Russian nation to reinvent itself in a postcommunist guise.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Gracia Liu-Farrer
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
Highly Skilled Migrants ◽  
Permanent Residency ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Near Future

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Japan as an immigrant country. Japan has become an immigrant country de facto. Starting in the 1980s, to stave off economic decline caused by labor shortage and in the name of internationalization, Japan has tried different programs to bring in foreign workers. In 2012, Japan became one of the most liberal states in its policies for granting permanent residency to highly skilled migrants. As a result, the population of foreigners has been rising for the past three decades and is likely to increase significantly in the near future. Why, then, do both the Japanese government and people inside and outside Japan hesitate to accept the discourse of immigration and the reality of its transformation into an immigrant society? This hesitation has to do with Japan's ethno-nationalist self-identity and the widespread myth surrounding its monoethnic nationhood, on the one hand, and the conventional, albeit anachronistic, definition of “immigrant country” and the difficulty for people to associate an immigrant country with an ethno-nationalist one, on the other hand.

Essentialism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Yablo
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
Hard Part ◽  
Equal Footing ◽  
Essential Properties ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Definition Of

Essentialists maintain that an object’s properties are not all on an equal footing: some are ‘essential’ to it and the rest only ‘accidental’. The hard part is to explain what ‘essential’ means. The essential properties of a thing are the ones it needs to possess to be the thing it is. But this can be taken in several ways. Traditionally it was held that F is essential to x if and only if to be F is part of ‘what x is’, as elucidated in the definition of x. Since the 1950s, however, this definitional conception of essence has been losing ground to the modal conception: x is essentially F if and only if necessarily whatever is x has the property F; equivalently, x must be F to exist at all. A further approach conceives the essential properties of x as those which underlie and account for the bulk of its other properties. This entry emphasizes the modal conception of essentiality. Acceptance of some form of the essential/accidental distinction appears to be implicit in the very practice of metaphysics. For what interests the metaphysician is not just any old feature of a thing, but the properties that make it the thing it is. The essential/accidental distinction helps in other words to demarcate the subject matter of metaphysics. But it also constitutes a part of that subject matter. If objects have certain of their properties in a specially fundamental way, then this is a phenomenon of great metaphysical significance.

scholarly journals THE POLITICS OF REGIONALISM AND FEDERATION IN EAST AFRICA, 1958–1964

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 519-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRIS VAUGHAN
Keyword(s):  
East Africa ◽  
World History ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Politics ◽  
East African ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractRecent scholarship discussing the ‘federal moment’ in world history after 1945 has re-examined alternatives to the nation-state in the years of decolonization, arguing against any inevitable transition from empire to nation. This article focuses on the case of East Africa, where federation seemed an attractive and likely prospect by 1963, yet never came to pass. Here, the politics of federation should be understood as a constitutive part of the contested nation-state-making process, rather than a viable alternative to it. For the leaders who initiated the politics of federation in the 1960s, regional unity promised the further centralization of power and a means of defeating ‘tribalist’ opposition. For their opponents, federation was seized on as a means of promoting the autonomy of provinces or kingdoms within a larger federal unit. Ultimately, regionalist aspiration was inseparable from national politics, and negotiations among the leaders of East African states demanded the definition of national interests which divided states rather than united them. Such conclusions suggest that historians of the federal moment might more productively focus on the functions of federalist discourse in the making of nation-states rather than debating the viability of federalist projects.

Regional identity and national theatre in South Sulawesi

2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Bodden
Keyword(s):  
Regional Identity ◽  
New Order ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
Cultural Elements ◽  
National Community ◽  
National Theatre ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
National Trends ◽  
The Relationship

This article details the development of Indonesian national art theatre in Makassar, South Sulawesi from the 1950s to the present. It argues that through a commitment to modernity and modern aesthetics strong bonds to the idea of the nation were formed by Makassar theatre workers. Furthermore, in charting the relationship between local Makassar theatre and national trends often pioneered in Jakarta, I argue that beginning in the New Order and continuing to the present, through several formal and stylistic changes, the deployment of local cultural elements in modern Indonesian national theatre has deepened. Yet this development represents both a renewed pride in local identity and a continuing commitment to the national community.

Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 379-400
Author(s):  
Laura Rademaker
Keyword(s):  
Aboriginal People ◽  
Research Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Christian Missions ◽  
Research Perspective ◽  
Linguistic Research ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S

Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.

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