Perspectives on the Electoral Behaviour of Baguio City (Philippines) Voters in a Transition Era

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Rood
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
City Council ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The City ◽  
Senatorial Elections

This paper attempts to trace, using survey evidence, the electoral behaviour of Baguio City voters during two years beginning with the 1986 Presidential election contest between Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino. The revolutionary aftermath to this election issued in a new political regime, which held a series of elections. By January 1988 there had been a plebiscite to ratify a new Constitution, Congressional and Senatorial elections, and finally local elections for the Mayor and City Council. For all of these elections, local surveys were conducted in the City of Baguio.

Weakening the Strong Mayor: Partisan Division and Presidential Intervention in Istanbul

2021 ◽  
pp. 0160323X2110453
Author(s):  
İhsan İkizer
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Central Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Central Government Agencies ◽  
Mayoral Leadership ◽  
The City ◽  
Ruling Party

Istanbul, the leading city of Turkey, is a good case for analyzing the conflictual relations of the mayor with the city council and the central government. Istanbul had been governed by the mayors from the ruling party, the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) and its predecessor parties since 1994. In the local elections held in March 2019, which was repeated only for Istanbul after two months with a highly suspicious decision by the Supreme Election Board, the AKP lost this city. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul, has harsh relations with the city council, which is dominated by the AKP and its alliance party, the Nationalist Movement Party ( Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; MHP). What exacerbates this situation is the partisan intervention of the increasingly authoritarian central government that weakens the mayor's position. The mayor tries to counterbalance the power of the city council and central government agencies through livestreaming the city council meetings and attracting civic engagement on his side. This article is expected to contribute to the literature on mayoral leadership, partisan constraints to mayoral powers as well as the mayor's strategies against the authoritarian intervention of the central governments. Mayor İmamoğlu's strategies and measures adopted for overcoming the efforts of blocking his agenda by both the council and central government might inspire other mayors experiencing similar partisan constraints.

The 2018 Municipal Elections in Jerusalem: A Tale of Fragmentation and Polarization

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-24
Author(s):  
Csaba Nikolenyi
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
The City ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
East Jerusalem

This article analyzes the 2018 local elections in Jerusalem, the contested capital of the State of Israel. These elections were unique in terms of their level of competitiveness and fragmentation as well as producing a highly divided local government in the wake of the incumbent mayor’s, Nir Barkat’s, decision to leave the local political scene and enter national politics. While his party has no representation in city council, the new mayor of Jerusalem, Moshe Lion, built a broadly based new coalition that includes all parties in the council except for Hitorerut, the party that won the most seats and whose mayoral candidate, Ofer Berkovitch, was the runner-up to Lion. With the exception of the ultra-orthodox parties, national political parties that sought to interfere with the local electoral process to promote their candidates and lists by and large failed. Therefore, the governance of the city of Jerusalem once again fell under the control of the ultra-orthodox majority. Furthermore, even though the Arab population of East Jerusalem largely continued its traditional abstention from the electoral process, there was some evidence to suggest that a slight shift was taking place in that community in favor of participating in the institutional process of municipal government and democracy.

scholarly journals The 2019 Local Elections in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 159-180
Author(s):  
Joaquín Martín Cubas ◽  
Pilar Rochina Garzón ◽  
Francisco Clemente González
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Institutional Performance ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Right ◽  
Franco Dictatorship ◽  
The City

Voting behaviour in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area can be split into four periods: (1) During the early years of democracy (1979-1991) following the Franco dictatorship, the area was a stronghold of the Left; (2) In 1991, the City of Valencia switched and was governed by the Right; (3) In 2011, the Right extended its control to the whole of the Metropolitan Area; (4) In the May 2015 elections, the Left won not only in the ‘red’ metropolitan belt but also in the City of Valencia. This study looks at what happened in the last set of local elections in 2019. To this end, we begin with a brief review of the election results, voting trends, and the institutional performance of each party since the first post-dictatorship local elections in 1979. We then go on to analyse the electoral behaviour of each of the parties, breaking this down by geographical variables: town/village size, comarcas (‘counties’), and the so-called ‘red belt’ before drawing our conclusions.

To Participation and Beyond?

2014 ◽  
pp. 215-228
Author(s):  
Paul Burton ◽  
Stephen Hilton
Keyword(s):  
Social Inclusion ◽  
City Council ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Local Program ◽  
The Times ◽  
The City

This chapter provides a case study of local developments in e-democracy in the city of Bristol, UK. Although some of these developments relate to periodic local elections, most are concerned with supporting new forms of engagement between local citizens and local government institutions and processes in the times between these. Starting with the coordination of its own consultation activities, then encouraging greater participation in council-run activities, and finally supporting grass roots engagement activities, Bristol City Council embarked on a local program of e-democracy activities from 2000 onwards. This grew into a national pilot scheme that enabled a number of valuable comparative evaluations of e-democracy in practice. The chapter draws on the results of a number of evaluations of these local and national developments and highlights the more widespread and enduring challenges of trying to broaden the scope and the effectiveness of local democracy and improve the practices of social inclusion.

To Participation and Beyond?

2015 ◽  
pp. 1662-1675
Author(s):  
Paul Burton ◽  
Stephen Hilton
Keyword(s):  
Social Inclusion ◽  
City Council ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Local Program ◽  
The Times ◽  
The City

This chapter provides a case study of local developments in e-democracy in the city of Bristol, UK. Although some of these developments relate to periodic local elections, most are concerned with supporting new forms of engagement between local citizens and local government institutions and processes in the times between these. Starting with the coordination of its own consultation activities, then encouraging greater participation in council-run activities, and finally supporting grass roots engagement activities, Bristol City Council embarked on a local program of e-democracy activities from 2000 onwards. This grew into a national pilot scheme that enabled a number of valuable comparative evaluations of e-democracy in practice. The chapter draws on the results of a number of evaluations of these local and national developments and highlights the more widespread and enduring challenges of trying to broaden the scope and the effectiveness of local democracy and improve the practices of social inclusion.

An Analysis of Electoral Abstention in Ljubljana, the Capital of Slovenia

10.4335/49 ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanda Vrhovac ◽  
Irena Bačlija
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political System ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
The City

In a democratic political system, electoral participation is regarded as a fundamental medium of political self-realisation and as the most straightforward expression of the public opinion of citizens. Voter participation in elections is one of the most characteristic indicators of authority legitimacy. The higher voter participation, the higher legitimacy of a political system will be. However, in the last few decades, we have been witnessing a distinct trend toward the decline in voter turnout in the world and in our country. The purpose of our paper is to examine the trend of electoral behaviour in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, and to confirm the assumption that electoral abstention has begun to increase also in the City Municipality of Ljubljana. On the basis of an empirical research, we want to operationalise some aspects of the theoretical origins of the reasons for abstention from elections to identify the indicators that could clarify the decline in voter turnout. KEY WORDS: • local elections • electoral abstention • voter turnout trend • Ljubljana • capital of Slovenia • city municipality

Portuguese Sardines - from the ritual to the brand

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Cecília Avelino Barbosa
Keyword(s):  
Social Construction ◽  
Place Branding ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
City Council ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
City Branding ◽  
The Past ◽  
Behavioral Expression ◽  
The City ◽  
City Identity

Place branding is a network of associations in the consumer’s mind, based on the visual, verbal, and behavioral expression of a place. Food can be an important tool to summarize it as it is part of the culture of a city and its symbolic capital. Food is imaginary, a ritual and a social construction. This paper aims to explore a ritual that has turned into one of the brands of Lisbon in the past few years. The fresh sardines barbecued out of doors, during Saint Anthony’s festival, has become a symbol that can be found on t-shirts, magnets and all kinds of souvenirs. Over the year, tourists can buy sardine shaped objects in very cheap stores to luxurious shops. There is even a whole boutique dedicated to the fish: “The Fantastic World of Portuguese Sardines” and an annual competition promoted by the city council to choose the five most emblematic designs of sardines. In order to analyze the Sardine phenomenon from a city branding point of view, the objective of this paper is to comprehend what associations are made by foreigners when they are outside of Lisbon. As a methodological procedure five design sardines, were used of last year to questioning to which city they relate them in interviews carried in Madrid, Lyon, Rome and London. Upon completion of the analysis, the results of the city branding strategy adopted by the city council to promote the sardines as the official symbol of Lisbon is seen as a Folkmarketing action. The effects are positive, but still quite local. On the other hand, significant participation of the Lisbon´s dwellers in the Sardine Contest was observed, which seems to be a good way to promote the city identity and pride in their best ambassador: the citizens.

Treading Angels: Edinburgh and its Festivals

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-317
Author(s):  
David McCrone
Keyword(s):  
City Council ◽  
The City ◽  
Public Bodies

How did Edinburgh become ‘festival city’? Despite appearances, it was not always so, and it acquired the accolade by happenstance; in the view of one observer, a ‘strange amalgam of cultural banditry, civic enterprise and idealism’. The official Festival's survival was down to the City Council, and it was funded almost entirely by public bodies. This was the central structure around which The Fringe developed, and The Traverse prospered, along with smaller festivals and events to become Festival City. The story sheds considerable light on how Edinburgh ‘works’, its strengths and weaknesses combined.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Chief Editor ◽  
City Council ◽  
The West ◽  
Son Of God ◽  
Warm Summer ◽  
The City

On a warm summer afternoon in 1561, Calvin’s chief editor donned a heavy stole, thick robes, and a gleaming tiara and proceeded to strut and fret his hour upon the stage in a comedy of his own devising. For little more than a century, Christians in the West had celebrated on August 6th Christ’s Transfiguration as the son of God in shining robes. But on this Sunday in Geneva, the city council, consistory, and an audience fresh from having attended edifying sermons at morning service gathered to applaud the transfiguration of the learned Conrad Badius into the title role of ...

scholarly journals The Interlocking Processes Constraining the Struggle for Sanctuary in the Trump Era: The Case of La Puente, CA

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Gilda L. Ochoa
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
City Council ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Transformative Change ◽  
Cautionary Tale ◽  
Community Members ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
The Status ◽  
The City

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change.

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