Nationalism in the Low Countries

1957 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Kohn

The age of nationalism offers us many examples which prove that affinities in descent or language have no influence on the formation of modern nations or on their political ideas. Switzerland is only one of several Germanic lands which developed a nationalism resembling much more closely that of England rather than that of Germany. The case of the Low Countries is similar. Both were until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries politically and historically a part of the German Empire. Both grew into separate nations in border regions where Germanic and Latin civilizations have met since the beginning of European history. Both gained their national character by a process of intellectual and political emancipation from Germany. The Dutch historian, Jan Huizinga, affirmed in Berlin at the beginning of 1933 in a lecture on the Netherlands as mediator between Western and Central Europe that “Our whole history as a people and a state is, with a few exceptions, Western European history. Our relations with the West have conditioned our independence as a people and as a state. Be it as friends, be it as enemies, France and England were our teachers. The Netherlands have significance and a meaningful place only as a territory oriented toward the West.”

2021 ◽  
pp. 219-244
Author(s):  
Martin Wight

In this essay Wight clarified the importance of dynastic legitimacy—that is, hereditary monarchy—in European history. In the Middle Ages and subsequent centuries, rulers were mainly princes who inherited their crowns. The principal exceptions were the leaders of republics, including Venice, Ragusa, Genoa, and Lucca in Italy; the Swiss confederation; and the United Provinces of the Low Countries. Dynastic principles included the theory that the ruler was chosen by God through hereditary succession, and that the monarch represented his or her subjects, notably with regard to the official religious denomination of the country. Such principles made dynastic marriages valuable means to provide heirs to the crown, to clarify succession to the throne, to consolidate alliances, to gain influence and wealth, and to legitimize territorial gains. Despite imprudent and egocentric behaviour by some royal leaders, monarchs were increasingly expected to pursue national rather than personal dynastic interests. After the Napoleonic Wars, the Congress of Vienna reaffirmed dynastic principles of legitimacy, including in Venice and the Netherlands; the Swiss confederation was a conspicuous exception. Dynastic rulers have, however, tended to become symbols and instruments of national unity and self-determination. Popular support for dynastic houses has in many cases led to popular legitimacy for constitutional monarchies.


2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iqbal Singh Sevea

This article examines Muhammad Iqbal’s critique of contemporary approaches towards Muslim education. In his writings, poetic and prose, Iqbal took on both the traditional religious authorities who administered the Madrasas and the modernists associated with the Aligarh College for failing to provide an education that was true to the ‘national character’ and to develop a synthesis of Islamic and western knowledge. While the former were criticised for ignoring modern intellectual developments, the latter were attacked for being intellectually captive to the West. At a broader level, this article employs Iqbal as a foil to debates over the empowering potential of western education. Iqbal’s views are examined against the background of attempts by Muslim intel-lectuals to negotiate between the adoption of a universal modern education and the development of an educational system that kept Muslims grounded in Islam and their ‘national character’. These negotiations took on a number of shapes, pedagogical and polemical as well as theological.


2009 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-52
Author(s):  
Jan van Ginkel ◽  
Naures Atto ◽  
Bas Snelders ◽  
Mat Immerzeel ◽  
Bas ter Haar Romeny

AbstractAmong those who opposed the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the West Syrian (or Syriac Orthodox) Christians were probably least likely to form a national or ethnic community. Yet a group emerged with its own distinctive literature and art, its own network, and historical consciousness. In an intricate process of adoption and rejection, the West Syrians selected elements from the cultures to which they were heirs, and from those with which they came into contact, thus defining a position of their own. In order to study this phenomenon, scholars from various disciplines, and affiliated to two different faculties, were brought together in a programme financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research NWO. This essay introduces their research project and methodology, and presents their results and conclusions.


1997 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Phillips

On 24 December 1144 'Imad ad-Din Zengi, the Muslim ruler of Aleppo and Mosul, captured the Christian city of Edessa. This was the most serious setback suffered by the Frankish settlers in the Levant since their arrival in the region at the end of the eleventh century. In reaction the rulers of Antioch and Jerusalem dispatched envoys to the west appealing for help. The initial efforts of Pope Eugenius in and King Louis VII of France met with little response, but at Easter 1146, at Vézelay, Bernard of Clairvaux led a renewed call to save the Holy Land and the Second Crusade began to gather momentum. As the crusade developed, its aims grew beyond an expedition to the Latin East and it evolved into a wider movement of Christian expansion encom-passing further campaigns against the pagan Wends in the Baltic and the Muslims of the Iberian peninsula. One particular group of men participated in two elements of the crusade; namely, the northern Europeans who sailed via the Iberian peninsula to the Holy Land. In thecourse of this journey they achieved the major success of the Second Crusade when they captured the city of Lisbon in October 1147. This article will consider how this aspect of the expedition fitted into the conception of the crusade as a whole and will try to establish when Lisbon became the principal target for the crusaders. St Bernard's preaching tour of the Low Countries emerges as an important, yet hitherto neglected, event.


Author(s):  
Judith Pollmann ◽  
Alastair Duke ◽  
Geert Janssen

The Low Countries have a special place in Reformation history, both because of the great diversity of the religious landscape and because they experienced a genuine Reformation “from below,” as well as fierce repression of Protestant heresies. Protests against the latter helped to trigger the revolt that resulted in the split of the Habsburg Netherlands. In the northern Netherlands, the Dutch Republic gave the Reformed Church a monopoly of worship but also guaranteed freedom of conscience to dissidents. The southern Netherlands, once “reconciled” with the Habsburgs and having expelled its Protestant inhabitants, became a bulwark of the Counter-Reformation. For more on the revolt, see the Oxford Bibliographies in Renaissance and Reformation article “The Netherlands (Dutch Revolt/Dutch Republic)” by Henk van Nierop.


2019 ◽  
pp. 172-188
Author(s):  
David Sorkin

This chapter explains that it took a third seismic event to enact full emancipation in central Europe. Within a little over two decades, the creation of the Dual Monarchy and the unifications of Germany and Italy completed what the two previous revolutions had begun: they sufficiently dismantled the corporate and confessional state to begin creating civil societies and constitutional monarchies, however imperfect. The three developments were intimately related. Piedmont and Prussia both took to the battlefield to overcome Habsburg opposition to unification; Piedmont's success guided Prussia's ambitions. In turn, the Habsburg Empire's shattering defeats forced its restructuring. The very nature of those three developments entailed new complications. Unification and restructuring left multiple forms of inequality intact and created new ones. The struggle for equality continued in a “post-emancipation” guise. The German Empire introduced a new dualism between the federal constitution and state laws that left aspects of the Jews' status in contention and inherited forms of discrimination in place. Meanwhile, the new Kingdom of Italy had seized the Papal States; the Church opposed its very foundation. As one of the kingdom's beneficiaries, Jews became targets of intense Church opposition. Ultimately, the new Dual Monarchy unleashed competing nationalisms. Jews were caught in the conflict between various recognized “peoples” without the advantage of being one.


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