scholarly journals Ethnic Inequality and the Dismantling of Democracy: A Global Analysis

2015 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Houle
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Global Analysis ◽  
Ethnic Inequality ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
National Test ◽  
Group Inequality ◽  
Cross National

Does inequality between ethnic groups destabilize democracies? While the literature largely agrees that inequality harms democracies, previous studies typically focus on the overall level of inequality in a society, leaving unanswered questions about the effect of inequality between ethnic groups. This article fills this gap and argues that inequality between ethnic groups harms the consolidation of democracy but that its effect is strongest when inequality within groups is low. Using group- and country-level data from more than seventy-one democracies and 241 ethnic groups worldwide, the author conducts the first cross-national test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on transitions away from democracy. Results provide support for the hypothesis: when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low, between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) harms democracy, but when WGI is high, BGI has no discernable effect.

Ethnic inequality and coups in sub-Saharan Africa

2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Houle ◽  
Cristina Bodea
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Demographic And Health Surveys ◽  
Ethnic Inequality ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Coups D'etat ◽  
Group Inequality

Does ethnic inequality breed coups? The recent literature on civil war shows both that inequality between ethnic groups induces war and, importantly, that civil wars and coups, although fundamentally different, are related. The literature on coups d’état, however, has yet to theorize and test the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. The link is plausible because many coups are ‘ethnic coups’, which depend on the capacity of plotters to mobilize their co-ethnics. We argue that large income and wealth disparities between ethnic groups accompanied by within-group homogeneity increase the salience of ethnicity and solidify within-group preferences vis-à-vis the preferences of other ethnic groups, increasing the appeal and feasibility of a coup. We use group-level data for 32 sub-Saharan African countries and 141 ethnic groups between 1960 and 2005 and provide the first large-N test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. Between- and within-group inequality measures are constructed based on survey data from the Afrobarometer and the Demographic and Health Surveys. We find strong support for our hypothesis: between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) increases the likelihood that an ethnic group stages a coup only when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low. Coups remain frequent in sub-Saharan Africa and coups are the main threat to democracy in the region, by harming democratic consolidation and economic development, and by provoking further political instability. Our work provides a novel rationale to be concerned about ethnic inequality, showing that when ethnic and income cleavages overlap, destabilizing coups d’état are more likely.

Ethnic Group Inequality, Partisan Networks, and Political Clientelism

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi-ting Wang ◽  
Kiril Kolev
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Positive Relationship ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Ethnic Organizations ◽  
Mere Presence ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
Group Inequality

How do ethnic group divisions affect parties’ linkage strategies? The provision of private or local club goods favoring co-ethnics by politicians has been well documented in the literature. However, whether clientelism tends to be more widespread in ethnically highly fragmented societies has not been systematically examined. Utilizing a dataset that includes information on more than 450 parties in eighty competitive party systems, we show that the mere presence of multiple ethnic groups does not lead to more clientelistic exchange. Nevertheless, in countries characterized by high levels of economic inequality between politically relevant ethnic groups, parties are more likely to rely on clientelistic strategies to attract votes. In addition, this positive relationship between ethnic income inequality and clientelism is contingent on parties’ ties to ethnic social networks. Specifically, in ethnically unequal societies, parties that can rely on existing ethnic organizations particularly engage in clientelistic modes of electoral mobilization.

Partitioning Ethnic Groups and their Members: Explaining Variations in Satisfaction with Democracy in Africa

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentin Gold
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Multilevel Model ◽  
National Level ◽  
National Context ◽  
Group Level ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Over Time

AbstractThis article examines the conditions that influence citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in Africa. In the analysis, individual, ethnic group, and national context determinants are combined in a multilevel model allowing a comparative analysis over time, countries, ethnic groups, and individuals. Using Afrobarometer survey data along with ethnic group-level and national-level data, I show that factors shaping citizens’ satisfaction can be found on each contextual level. To a large extent, perceived economic and political inequalities between ethnic groups explain variations in citizens’ satisfaction.

scholarly journals Cultural values and adolescents’ health inequalities in 21 European countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Dierckens ◽  
B De Clercq ◽  
B Deforche
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
Health Inequalities ◽  
Health Behaviour ◽  
Health Behaviours ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
Profound Impact ◽  
Value Differences ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Cross National

Abstract Background culture is believed to have an important impact on health and health inequalities and this may vary between countries. Empirical data are however scarce, especially in adolescent populations. We examined the impact of cultural values (emancipatory values index) on cross-national variations in adolescent health, health inequalities and evolutions in these inequalities. Methods individual-level data from 21 countries participating in the 2002/2006/2010/2014 waves of the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study were combined with country-level data from the World Values Longitudinal Dataset (n = 416777). Multilevel linear and logistic regression analyses were performed accounting for the hierarchical data structure (individual, country-year and country level). Results cultural value differences between countries were weakly related to adolescents’ health and health behaviour but had a profound impact on the magnitude of inequalities. In countries characterised by a high level of emancipatory values, material (family affluence-based) inequalities in both health and health behaviours tended to be lower whereas non-material (occupational social class-based) inequalities tended to be higher, in particular for health behaviours. Preliminary results also indicated that cultural value differences between countries may play a significant role in the evolution of adolescent health inequalities. Conclusions our findings suggest that between-countries’ cultural value differences may partly explain cross-national variations in adolescents’ health inequalities and in the evolution of these inequalities. By identifying cultural value differences in health, health inequalities and evolutions in health inequalities, this study helps informing policies better to tackle these inequalities. Key messages Cultural value differences between countries have a profound impact on the magnitude of inequalities in adolescents’ health and health behaviours and on the evolution of these inequalities. Identifying cultural value differences in adolescents’ health, health inequalities and evolutions in these inequalities is necessary to inform policies better to tackle these inequalities.

scholarly journals Ethnic Discrimination in the Formation of State Bodies of the USSR

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-173
Author(s):  
B. N. Mironov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Ethnic Discrimination ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Ethnic Inequality ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Soviet Government

The level of ethnopolitical inequality is estimated as the ratio of the share of an ethnic group employed in public authorities to the share of this ethnic group among the entire employed population. This indicator can be called the coefficient of ethnopolitical representativeness. In Imperial Russia, almost all major non-Russian ethnic groups had representatives in power structures, although in most cases this was unrepresentative; the number of nominees from an ethnic group did not correspond to its population size. During the entire Soviet period, 1917–1990, there was a steady and systematic decrease in the inequality of ethnic groups in power structures. In 1989, discrimination in the authorities as a whole practically disappeared. The advantages of Russians in forming the Soviet government were minimized; their percentage in government corresponded to their share in the population. In some areas of government, ethnic inequality was leveled at different rates. In the state apparatus, equality in representation was already achieved in 1959. In the apparatus of party and public organizations, there was also a tendency to overcome discrimination, but in this area, by 1990, the percentage of non-Russians remained slightly lower than their share in the population. Minimization of ethnic inequality was a natural consequence, on the one hand, of the national policy of the country’s leadership, on the other — the desire of ethnic elites for equality in political rights.

scholarly journals Of Pride and Prejudice—A Cross-National Exploration of Atheists’ National Pride

Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 648
Author(s):  
Insa Bechert
Keyword(s):  
National Identities ◽  
Pride And Prejudice ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Strong Positive Relationship ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Ideological Background ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
Perceived Relevance ◽  
Cross National

This paper explores how atheism relates to national pride. Previous research reports the strong positive relationship between religiosity and national pride. Inversely, it can be assumed that atheists feel less national pride. Whether this assumption holds true and whether the perceived relevance of religiosity for values perceived as fundamental for national pride is a national-specific or a global phenomenon will be investigated here by examining attitudes towards atheists and assessing cross-nationally how proud atheists truly are of their countries. The data reveals cross-country differences in both respects. In highly religious countries, prejudice against atheists is pronounced, while atheists’ feelings of national pride indeed tend to be weaker. But what exactly predicts atheists’ feelings of national pride? For a Multilevel Analysis of this question, this article uses the ONBound database offering cumulated and harmonized data from international survey programs as well as linked country-level data on national identities and religion. Results identify countries’ ideological background as one of the crucial country-level predictors for national pride among atheists. In highly religious countries, people who deny religion also seem to possess ambivalent feelings towards their country. In turn, if the state ideology opposes religion, atheists tend to support the combination of anti-religiousness and patriotism.

scholarly journals Latent class models for cross-national comparisons: the association between individual and national-level fertility and partnership characteristics

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lyons-Amos
Keyword(s):  
Latent Class ◽  
Multilevel Models ◽  
Contextual Information ◽  
National Level ◽  
Multilevel Modelling ◽  
Latent Class Models ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Level Information ◽  
Cross National

Multilevel modelling techniques such as random models or fixed effect are increasingly used in social sciences and demography to both account for clustering within higher level aggregations and evaluate the interaction between individual and contextual information. While this is justifiable in some studies, the extension of multilevel models to national level analysis — and particularly cross-national comparative analysis — is problematic and can hamper the understanding of the interplay between individual and country level characteristics. This paper proposes an alternative approach, which allocates countries to classes based on economic, labour market and policy characteristics. Classes influence the profiles of three key demographic behaviours at a sub-national level: marriage, cohabitation and first birth timing. Woman level data are drawn from a subset of the Harmonized Histories dataset, and national level information from the GGP contextual database. In this example, three country classes are extracted reflecting two Western patterns and an Eastern pattern, divided approximately along the Hajnal line. While Western countries tend to exhibit higher levels of family allowances albeit accounting for a lower share of spending which is associated with lower marriage and later fertility, Eastern countries generally show a higher share of spending but at lower absolute levels with lower cohabitation rates and early fertility.

scholarly journals Social Dominance Orientation in Agrarian Resources Accumulation in Coastal Area Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Saharuddin Saharuddin ◽  
Sriwulan F. Falatehan ◽  
Lesti Heriyanti
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Social Dominance Orientation ◽  
Livelihood Strategies ◽  
Ethnic Inequality ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Group Inequality

Intergroup contact influenced the adaptation capacity of Bugis ethnic in the economic system in the destination site. When they become the highest of social-rank than other ethnicities in livelihood strategies by land-accumulation, it becomes important to analyze the working of power from the ethnic-Social Domination Orientation (SDO) theoretical. The role of ethnic-SDO is studied with assessment determination in a sociocultural context in intergroup ethnic inequality. Moreover, decision making in framing becomes challenged to be assessed at the individual level because it is assumed would influence the individual to enhance the hierarchy in the middle of uncertainty outcomes. This study aims: (1) elucidate the structure of ethnic inequality in livelihood strategies by ethnic-SDO in Bugis ethnic; and (2) recognize the role of framing in decision making as influencing factors of ethnic-SDO. This study approach is qualitative, which involves 25 informants. Data showed that ethnic-SDO in Bugis’s economic activities comprised of power that enhancing-hierarchy evolved ethnic inequality by high between-ethnic group inequality (BGI) and within- ethnic group inequality (WGI) in land-accumulation. It is found that the framing of Bugis people regarding skills and attitudes owned by other ethnicities in the decision-making tends to risk-avoid that enhancing-hierarchy in economic activities at an individual level.

How Homogenous are the Madhesis? Implications for Inclusive and Affirmative Agendas

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madhusudan Subedi ◽  
Tika Ram Gautam
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Homogeneous Group ◽  
Health Economy ◽  
Access To Resources ◽  
Poor Access ◽  
Ethnic Category ◽  
Group Inequality

 Ethnicity, social inclusion/exclusion and inequality have been much more important and also equally debatable issues in contemporary Nepal. Some scholars (Bhattachan, 2009, 1995; Gurung, 1997; Gurung, 2012; Lawoti, 2005, 2012; Mabuhang, 2012) argue Bahuns, particularly hill Bahuns is the most privileged group with highest access to resources and opportunities and all other non-Brahmans such as Janajatis, Dalits, Madheshi, Muslims, and so on are the most deprived/excluded groups with least access to resources and opportunities. This paper, in contrast, based on NSII(2014) data, argues that Madhesis is neither a single nor a homogeneous group rather it is a broader caste/ethnic category which includes a number of Tarai/Madhesh caste/ethnic groups distinctly different from each other in terms of education, health, economy and politics. Some caste/ethnic groups, within Tarai/Madhesh groups or Madhesis, have better access to resources and opportunities and other Tarai/Madhesh groups have poor access to resources and opportunities. This kind of intra-group inequality can also be observed within all caste/ethnic groups of Tarai/Madhesh; Tarai Brahman/Chhetri, Tarai Dalit, Tarai Janajati, other Tarai Castes, and Muslims including heterogeneous Bahuns (Gautam, 2015). Therefore, Madhesis, as broader Tarai/Madhesh caste/ethnic group, is neither a single nor a homogeneous group rather it is a heterogeneous category with wider inter-group inequality in terms of access to resources and opportunities. The Journal of Development and Administrative Studies (JODAS), Vol. 24 (1-2), pp. 25-38

Cross-national Variation in E-retail Spending: Longitudinal Country-Level Data Evidence

2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 (1) ◽  
pp. 12545
Author(s):  
Nir B Kshetri ◽  
Ralf Bebenroth ◽  
Nick Williamson
Keyword(s):  
Country Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Cross National
Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document