Excavation of the Greek Temples at Mycenae by the British School at Athens

1997 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 247-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy L. Klein

The Greek temples on the summit of the citadel at Mycenae were discovered and partially cleared by Ch. Tsountas in 1886, but the major excavation was undertaken in 1939 under the direction of A. J. B. Wace. The results of this season have never been fully studied. This article is based upon a new examination of the material evidence and the documents in the Mycenae archives of the British School at Athens. Previously unpublished architectural drawings, photographs, plans, and sections make it possible to assess the nature of the Archaic and Hellenistic temples at Mycenae. The evidence points to the establishment of the cult in the Geometric period, along with the construction of the northern terraces, followed by a significant reorganization of the temenos and the construction of the first stone temple in the early Archaic period. Preliminary analysis of the preserved architectural elements indicates a strong connection between the Archaic temple at Mycenae and the early temples at Corinth and Isthmia. The well-known stone reliefs from Mycenae, datedc. 630 BC, should also belong to this early structure. In the third century BC, when Mycenae had been resettled as an Argivekome, the temple was rebuilt, incorporating Archaic material in its foundations.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
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Nikki Carter

<p>Situated on Mount Kotilion in the Peloponnese, the Temple of Apollo at Bassae sits high in the middle of a mountain range. Upon rediscovery, it became evident that most of the offerings had long since disappeared, and this was in turn paired with a lack of primary literature. Though the temple is mentioned in Pausanias’ work, discussion about the cultic aspects of the temple is severely lacking. This leads to a large gap in the knowledge of the temple’s religious function. It is for this reason that the architecture of Bassae is explored to help understand the cultic aspects of this temple. This thesis shows that multiple cults were celebrated at the temple of Bassae, and that there is a high probability that multiple cult worship occurred in the adyton of the building.  The cult at Bassae has been celebrated since geometric times, and worship to Apollo was fairly consistent until the sanctuary’s demise in the third century BCE. Three epikleseis are often associated with this temple: Apollo Epikourios, Apollo Bassitas and Hyperborean Apollo. The epithet of Epikourios comes from Pausanias’ passage, and nowhere else. The original reason for this epithet may be either medicinal or martial, and both are explored within this thesis. Bassitas is another epithet provided. However, this is in the form of a singular archaeological find, a small bronze tablet found in the wider Kotilion sanctuary. The third epithet, Hyperborean, is a tenuous but commonly made connection. This epithet relies heavily on the localised subject matter of the sculptural programme at Bassae.  The architecture of the building is also in need of discussion. The temple at Bassae is famed for its odd, and in some cases, unparalleled architectural design. The temple is on a north-south axis, and features not only a northern entranceway, but also an opening in the eastern wall, leading into the adyton. This eastern doorway allows light to enter twice a year, which hits the southern wall. The decorative features of the temple are unparalleled, with the first known Corinthian column and extended engaged Ionic columns. These unusual design features create a focus within the adyton.  Within the adyton, four positions can be considered possible sites for housing offerings or cult statues. These include the southwest corner, the centre of the southern wall, the centre of the northern limits of the adyton directly south of the Corinthian column, and finally, the Corinthian column itself. The evidence for these positions being a focus for cult comes from architectural features, such as the paving of the adyton floor, the light phenomenon and a small plinth.  These four positions are by no means definite, and this thesis discusses the probability of each of these positions in terms of the likelihood of them being the focus of a cult. While the southwest corner is the most likely position for a cult statue, the Corinthian column seems the least likely.  The architecture at the Temple of Apollo at Bassae strongly suggests worship occurring inn the adyton of the temple, and it seems likely it was at least one of these three epithets that was celebrated in one of the four positions in the adyton.</p>


Author(s):  
Alla Kushnir-Stein

Thirty-Eight Palestinian Cities Minted coins at various times during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The vast majority of these coins bear dates, with the bulk of the dates involving individual city eras. During the third century BC, royal Ptolemaic silver was struck in several urban centres on the Palestinian coast. The coinage from Ptolemais, Joppe, and Gaza was fairly substantial and most of it was dated by the regnal years of the kings. One undated silver coin has also been attributed to Dora. On these Ptolemaic issues the cities are represented only by monograms. Palestine came under Seleucid control c.200 BC, after its final conquest by Antiochus III. From the reign of Antiochus IV (175–164) onwards, there are both royal and city coinages, the latter mostly of bronze. The dates which appear on many of these coins use the Seleucid era of 312 BC. As in the preceding century, only coastal cities were involved: Ptolemais, Ascalon, Gaza, and Demetrias. The location of the last city is not known for certain, but an identification with Strato’s Tower, later rebuilt by Herod as Caesarea, seems possible. There is more information about the cities themselves on these second-century coins. Royal issues often bear the names of cities as well as specific symbols, like the dove in Ascalon or the Phoenician mem in Gaza. City-coinage proper further mentions Seleucid dynastic names, like that of Seleucia for Gaza or Antioch for Ptolemais; we would not have known about these dynastic names if not for their appearance on these coins. In the last quarter of the second century, new titles, ‘sacred and inviolable’, appear on coins of Ptolemais, Ascalon, and Gaza. The first individual city eras were established in this region at the very end of the second century BC, with the earliest material evidence belonging to the beginning of the first century: Ascalon, coin of year 6 (99/98 BC); Gaza, coins of years 13 and 14 (96/95, 95/94 or slightly later); Ptolemais, coin of year 9 (apparently from the first decade of the first century BC). In Ascalon and Ptolemais the new era appears together with the addition of the title ‘autonomous’.


2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
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...  

AbstractThe harbor town of Berenike functioned in the long-distance trade between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean Basin from the third century BC to the early sixth century AD. This contribution aims to view the Berenike material within its wider historical context through a preliminary analysis of the combined archaeological and textual evidence. By comparing the results of the work of different specialists, the potential of a multi-disciplinary approach becomes apparent. A number of caveats are given, which illustrate the interpretative problems arising from comparing the results of different disciplines. Lastly, this attempt at integration shows that the discrepancies between the different sources offer important insights. Le port maritime de Berenike fonctionnait dans le commerce de longue distance entre la Méditerranée et le bassin de la Mer des Indes depuis le troisième siècle avant JC jusqu'au début du sixième siècle après JC. Cette contribution examine le matériel de Berenike dans un contexte plus large par une analyse préliminaire croisant des données archéologiques et textuelles. En comparant les résultats proposés par plusieurs spécialistes, le potentiel du travail multidisciplinaire devient évident. Un nombre de caveats est présenté pour illustrer des problèmes d'interprétation, provenant des comparaisons de résultats de plusieurs disciplines. Enfin, cet essai d'intégration montre que les divergences entre plusieurs sources offre des aperçus importants.


2016 ◽  
Vol XXIV (2) ◽  
pp. 61-74
Author(s):  
Nathalie Beaux

The newel posts of the first ramp had lion representations, those of the second one were decorated with composite falcon statues. It is the purpose of this article to study the surviving architectural elements of the ramp newel posts in detail and to explore the function of these elements in Hatshepsut’s temple cosmology. Rw.ty, the four seated lions of the first ramp, are guarding the passage from land to the intermediate level of the temple, “begetting” Horus the king, allowing him to rise in life like the sun in its daily resurrection trip, and this forever and ever. In turn, the falcon god of the second ramp hovers in protection, as witness and helper in the passage to the third and highest level of the temple, where the king will achieve full resurrection through the Amun sanctuary and fly up to the sky as a falcon in its name of MAa.t-kA-Ra. The cartouche raised by the anx sign on the first ramp finds an echo in the Sn sign held by the falcon on the second ramp: they both tie and establish the king into his solar renewal destiny, helped by the Dual-lions and Horus of Behedet, lion and falcon from earth to heaven.


2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-133
Author(s):  
Annalisa Paradiso

Aristodemus, a Phigalian by birth, was tyrant of Megalopolis for around fifteen years in the first half of the third century b.c., possibly from the time of the Chremonidean War (267–262) until around 251, when he was murdered by two Megalopolitan exiled citizens, Megalophanes and Ecdelus, pupils of the Academic Arcesilaus. While giving an account of his violent death, Pausanias, none the less, draws a very positive portrait of him, also mentioning the nickname ‘the Good’ which he probably read on Aristodemus' grave. Pausanias also reports the foundation of two temples by the tyrant, both dedicated to Artemis. At 8.35.5 he locates one of the two temples at thirteen stades from Megalopolis on the road to Methydrion, so to the north. There, he says, is a place named Scias, where there are ruins of a sanctuary of Artemis Sciaditis. At 8.32.4, Pausanias briefly refers to the temple of Artemis Agrotera at Megalopolis. He says only that the sanctuary was on a hill in the south-east district of the polis, and adds that it was dedicated as an ἀνάθημα by the tyrant as well.


1915 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 165-172
Author(s):  
Guido Calza

The noteworthy discovery which I have the honour of illustrating for the Journal of Roman Studies is a very recent one, and it was unlooked for because one would not expect to find a rich and beautiful series of small artistic bronzes among the ruins of a great bakehouse. This building consisted of a double series of rooms in which are gathered together the machines for crushing the grain, the machines for kneading the flour (machinae quae farinae subiguntur), and, lastly, two enormous ovens for the making of the bread. This great bakehouse, placed in the heart of the city, near the temple of Vulcan, was destroyed by a fire in the third century, as is proved by certain coins, and it was never re-built. The small bronzes, touched but not destroyed by the fire, were found among the ashes covering the pavement of the ground floor, and since they have nothing in common with the great bakehouse, they come assuredly from the first floor of the building, which was perhaps the dwelling-house of the miller, and it may be supposed from this that they were the religious and artistic furniture of his private chapel.


Author(s):  
Lawrence Rhu

In an early round of the famous competition between poetry and philosophy, reason claims the upper hand against emotion. Though Plato achieves nothing like absolute victory for philosophy in this regard, Stanley Cavell rightly discerns that the stakes in this contest are high: nothing less than the soul. Not long after Plato, however, Aristotle ably defends poetry as an art that intends to work beneficially upon the passions to bring about positive results in both the soul and the commonwealth. Later, as Christian culture begins to supersede Hellenistic and Roman alternatives, St. Paul’s resonant prioritizing of charity over eloquence (both human and angelic) starts to carry the day. Early in the third century, Tertulian asks, “What has Athens to do with Jerusalem?” and memorably crystalizes the distinction St. Paul suggests by contrasting light with darkness, Christ with Belial, and idols with the temple of God.


1985 ◽  
Vol 105 ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Jon Solomon

On July 17, 1977 what appears to be the most recently found ancient Greek musical fragment was unearthed some twenty-five meters northeast of the palaestra at Epidaurus. Carved on red limestone in the third century ad, the inscription consists of eleven fragmentary hexameters from a hymn to Apollo and other divine offspring, only the first line of which seems to contain suprascript musical notation. M. Mitsos published the inscription three years later without musicological analysis, and S. Sepheriades then attempted a preliminary analysis at the 1982 Eighth International Greek and Latin Epigraphical Congress. The present paper explores in greater detail the purported music of this brief, enigmatic inscription in the hope of furthering (but certainly not completing) our understanding of this, a possible fourth ancient Greek musical fragment on stone.


Author(s):  
Simon James

In the foregoing, it was argued that the unitary base area seen in the third century, encompassing the entire N part of the city from the W defences almost to the River Gate, resulted from expansion and coalescence of two later-second-century nuclei, one near the Temple of Bêl, the other focused on the Citadel. Subsequently, presumably increasing Roman troop numbers at Dura led to takeover of the far N part of the intramural area, linking up the military holdings. But why did it start as two nuclei? When Roman power became permanently established over Dura c.165, and a decision was made to station Palmyrene symmachiarii there, while the Realpolitik may have been that these were proxy forces holding the city for Rome, the option of sending in troops from a long-standing friend of Dura may have been chosen as a face-saving measure for the Durene elite. The Palmyrenes were likely presented as defending the newly ‘liberated’ city from Arsacid interference. Under such circumstances, a less obtrusive, peripheral location would have been appropriate. The zone around the Temple of Bêl appears at the time to have comprised only partially built-up city blocks offering open ground, with more free space along the city wall to accommodate the Palmyrene force with minimal disruption to civic life. The temple plaza also offered a ready-made military assembly space. It is further possible that the Palmyrenes attested in Arsacid Dura—visiting traders and soldiers, and resident expatriates—already tended to congregate in or use this zone, around the temple which, at least later, would become especially associated with Palmyrene Bêl. With subsequent arrival of regular Roman troops, and the proposed enrolling of the Palmyrene archers as the nucleus of the nascent cohors XX, the NW cantonment was then probably expanded as it was developed into a Roman auxiliary base. With regard to the inner wadi/Citadel zone, it was suggested above that the incoming Romans would have taken over the great inner stronghold by default, as part of the defensive circuit. They also used the flat wadi floor in its shadow as a campus.


2016 ◽  
Vol 106 ◽  
pp. 124-146
Author(s):  
Martin Beckmann

AbstractThis paper makes two arguments. The first is that Trajan deliberately orchestrated the dedication of his Column on 12 May, the anniversary of the dedication of the Temple of Mars Ultor, to coincide with the beginning of a new war against Parthia ina.d. 113. The second is that although most modern commentators focus on the function of Mars Ultor as avenger of Caesar, the evidence of his actual invocation from the late first centuryb.c. through the third centurya.d. more strongly supports another interpretation: as agent of vengeance against foreign enemies, and against Parthia/Persia in particular.


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