British Rapiers with Trapezoidal Butt found in Belgium.

1986 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 153-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugène Warmenbol

Our knowledge of the Belgian Bronze Age is still very partial. Most of the bronze objects of this period — and I am not the only one to say they are important — remain unpublished. The reason for this is to be found in the fact that a great many bronzes have been, or still are, part of private collections. Objects fundamental to our understanding of Bronze Age economics have remained inaccessible for years; moreover, some of these, probably in consequence of this regrettable situation, have been stigmatised by this or that scholar's doubts about their authenticity. It is true that they have been traded by not always very scrupulous dealers.Many scholars have been discouraged by the doubtful quality of part of the material, but too many scholars have therefore lost interest in its totality. A few important hoards, though in public collections, have thus been neglected, and remained unpublished for more than a century (Warmenbol forthcoming a and b). The largest collections, those of Edouard Bernays (Antwerp), George Hasse (Antwerp), J. Moens (Ghent) and J. Maertens de Noordhout (Ghent), were all greatly expanded through the acquisition of objects found during the extensive dredging carried out in the 1910s and 1920s, mainly in the Schelde, but also in other rivers. Great quantities of bronzes were found at places such as Melle, Wetteren, Wichelen and Schoonaarde. All these objects got on the market, and assuredly some dealers improved their stocks by enriching them with objects certainly found elsewhere.

2021 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Bela Dimova ◽  
Margarita Gleba

The aim of this report is to provide a summary of the latest developments in the textile archaeology of Greece and the broader Aegean from the Neolithic through to the Roman period, focusing in particular on recent research on textile tools. Spindle-whorls and loomweights appeared in the Aegean during the Neolithic and by the Early Bronze Age weaving on the warp-weighted loom was well established across the region. Recent methodological advances allow the use of the physical characteristics of tools to estimate the quality of the yarns and textiles produced, even in the absence of extant fabrics. The shapes of spindle-whorls evolved with the introduction of wool fibre, which by the Middle Bronze Age had become the dominant textile raw material in the region. The spread of discoid loomweights from Crete to the wider Aegean has been linked to the wider Minoanization of the area during the Middle Bronze Age, as well as the mobility of weavers. Broader issues discussed in connection with textile production include urbanization, the spread of different textile cultures and the identification of specific practices (sealing) and previously unrecognized technologies (splicing), as well as the value of textiles enhanced by a variety of decorative techniques and purple dyeing.


Author(s):  
Quentin Letesson ◽  
Carl Knappett

Urban settlements are often presented as a prominent feature of Bronze Age Crete (McEnroe 2010). And yet, summarizing what is actually known about Minoan towns is much more challenging than one would expect, especially for non-palatial settlements. Many studies are narrowly focused and often take one urban element out of context in all communities (e.g. villas, classification of houses, street system, etc.), hence undermining an understanding of the urban environment as a whole. Furthermore, research on Minoan urban contexts has long been characterized by a strong focus on polite or palatial architecture and very specific urban features related to it (such as the so-called west courts, raised walks, theatral areas, etc.), while most case-studies have often had a rather limited dataset. There are clearly exceptions but, to date, our knowledge of Minoan urban settlements is partly built on a large collection of heterogeneous and disparate information. As already noted some fifteen years ago, the ‘nature and character’ of urban settlements ‘has seen much less discussion, particularly at a generalized level’ (Branigan 2001a: vii; but see chapters 7 and 9). Of course, this situation is also inextricably linked to the nature of our datasets. Research is clearly constrained by the low quality of work in the initial decades of Minoan archaeology when somany of the larger exposures of townscapes on the island were made. And yet, for more than a century now, the archaeology of Bronze Age Crete has thrived:many excavations initiated at the beginning of the twentieth century have either continued or been revived, providing descriptions of numerous settlements of various sizes; new projects have unearthed fascinating buildings and sites; and many regions of the island have now been systematically surveyed. As a consequence, Minoan archaeologists have at their disposal a solid and varied dataset. Of course, sampling issues do exist. Firstly, remains of Neopalatial urban settlements clearly outnumber those of other periods.


2009 ◽  
Vol 104 ◽  
pp. 233-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Papazoglou-Manioudaki ◽  
Argyro Nafplioti ◽  
J.H. Musgrave ◽  
R.A.H. Neave ◽  
Denise Smith ◽  
...  

Building work at the National Archaeological Museum in Athens in 2003 led to the rediscovery of the two male skeletons from Shaft Grave VI at Mycenae, found by Panayiotis Stamatakis in 1877 as he completed the excavation of Grave Circle A begun by Schliemann. The find provided a triple opportunity. First came a re-assessment of Stamatakis's important and often pioneering role both at Mycenae and in the archaeology of the later Bronze Age, which has generally been overlooked both because of Schliemann's very vocal antagonism and because of his own overwork and early death. Second, a detailed study of the skulls along with the post-cranial bones allowed a reconstruction of the faces of the two men to set beside the earlier reconstructions of the faces of seven individuals from Grave Circle B. This showed that although the two men were very likely related to each other, one could not demonstrate kinship with any of the seven faces from Circle B on the basis of their facial appearance alone. Finally – to be described in subsequent articles – it opened the way for the first modern morphological and chemical analysis (using strontium isotope ratios) of the entire collection of surviving human skeletal material from Grave Circle A to determine the number of individuals represented, their biological sex and their age at death. By assessing the quality of their living conditions as reflected in their skeletal and dental health, and by exploring skeletal evidence of engagement in physical activities through activity-related modifications there was the opportunity to reconstruct the lifestyle of the men and women buried in the grave circle.Οικοδομικές δραστηριότητες στο Εθνικό Αρχαιολογικό Μουσείο στην Αθήνα το 2003 οδήγησαν στην ανακάλυψη εκ νέου των δύο ανδρικών σκελετών από το Λακκοειδή Τάφο VI, που αττοκάλυψε ο Παναγιώτης Σταματάκης το 1877 με την ολοκλήρωση της ανασκαφής του Ταφικού Κύκλου Α, η οποία ξεκίνησε από τον Heinrich Schliemann. Αυτό το εύρημα μας έδωσε μία τριπλή ευκαιρία. Πρώτον, επαναξιολογήθηκε ο σημανηκός και συχνά πρωτοποριακός ρόλος, που διαδραμάτισε ο Σταματάκης στις Μυκήνες και την αρχαιολογία της ύστερης Εποχής του Χαλκού. Ο ρόλος του αυτός γενικά παραβλέφθηκε εξαιτίας τόσο του έντονου ανταγωνισμού εκ μέρους του Schliemann όσο κοα του υπερβολικού φόρτου εργασίας αλλά και του πρώιμου θανάτου του Σταματάκη. Δεύτερον, η λεπτομερής μελέτη των κρανίων και μετα-κρανιακών οστών επέτρεψε την αποκατάσταση των προσώπων των δύο ανδρών και τη σύγκρισή τους με τα πρόσωπα επτά ατόμων από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Β, τα οποία είχαν νωρίτερα αποκατασταθεί. Αυτή η σύγκριση έδειξε ότι παρά την πιθανή συγγένεια των δύο ανδρών του τάφου VI, δεν μπορεί να υποστηριχθεί ανάλογη σχέση μεταξύ αυτών και των επτά προσώπων από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Β με μόνο κρντήριο τα φυσιογνωμικά τους χαρακτηριστικά. Τέλος, όπως θα παρουσιαστεί σε επόμιενα άρθρα, η μελέτη αυτή άνοιξε το δρόμο για την πρώτη σύγχρονη μορφολογική και χημική ανάλυση (της ισοτοπικής αναλογίας του στροντίου) ολόκληρης της συλλογής ανθρωπίνων σκελετικών υπολειμμάτων από τον Ταφικό Κύκλο Α, με στόχο τον προσδιορισμό του αριθμού των αντιπροσωπευομένων ατόμων και τον καθορισμό του βιολογικού φύλου και της ηλικίας θανάτου αυτών. Αξιολογώντας την ποιότητα των συνθηκών διαβίωσης των ατόμων αυτών, όπως αυτή ανπκατροπτίζεται στη σκελετική και οδοντική τους υγεία, και εξετάζοντας σκελετικές μοφτυρίες yrn την ενασχόλησή τους με φυσικές δραστηριότητες κατέστη δυνατό να ανασυνθέσουμε τον τρόπο ζωής των ανδρών και γυναικών ττου είχαν ταφεί στον Ταφικό Κύκλο Α.


1964 ◽  
Vol 84 ◽  
pp. 107-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. M. Snodgrass

One of the more persistent and widespread minor traditions in ancient literature represents the Carians as the great military innovators and practitioners of early times. It is one of several ‘Carian’ traditions, in which this people is given a greater importance than it seems historically possible to allow, and which at one time led certain scholars to believe that the Aegean Bronze Age civilisation as a whole was Carian in origin. This particular example can be checked, up to a point, from the evidence of archaeological discoveries; and the experiment may prove worth making, both as a supplement to the archaeological record, and as a test case for the value and quality of such traditions. In its more extreme version, the Carians are credited with the actual invention of various military devices: this, as I hope to show, is unlikely to be true. But there is a milder form of the tradition, which states that the Carians habitually used these devices. This version may in part arise from the vaguer wording of certain ancient authorities, but as it stands it is quite acceptable.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Earle ◽  
Johan Ling ◽  
Claes Uhnér ◽  
Zofia Stos-Gale ◽  
Lene Melheim

In the second millennium cal BC, a new metal conquered Europe: the alloy of copper and tin that improved the quality of tools and weapons. This development, we argue, initiated a framework for a new political economy. We explore how a political economy approach may help understand the European Bronze Age by focussing on regional comparative advantages in long-distance trade and resulting bottlenecks in commodity flows. Links existed in commodity chains, where obligated labour and ownership of resources helped mobilize surpluses, thus creating potential for social segments to control the production and flows of critical goods. The political economy of Bronze Age Europe would thus represent a transformation in how would-be leaders mobilized resources to support their political ends. The long-distance trade in metals and other commodities created a shift from local group ownership towards increasingly individual strategies to obtain wealth from macro-regional trade. We construct our argument to make sense of available data, but recognize that our model's primary purpose is to structure future research to test the model.


1997 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 221-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Parker Pearson ◽  
R.E. Sydes ◽  
S. Boardman ◽  
B. Brayshay ◽  
P.C. Buckland ◽  
...  

The Early Iron Age enclosures and associated sites on Sutton Common on the western edge of the Humberhead Levels contain an exceptional variety of archaeological data of importance not only to the region but for the study of later prehistory in the British Isles. Few other later prehistoric British sites outside the East Anglian fens and the Somerset Levels have thus far produced the quantity and quality of organically preserved archaeological materials that have been found, despite the small scale of the investigations to date. The excavations have provided an opportunity to integrate a variety of environmental analyses, of wood, pollen, beetles, waterlogged and carbonised plant remains, and of soil micromorphology, to address archaeological questions about the character, use, and environment of this Early Iron Age marsh fort. The site is comprised of a timber palisaded enclosure and a succeeding multivallate enclosure linked to a smaller enclosure by a timber alignment across a palaeochannel, with associated finds ranging in date from the Middle Bronze Age to the Roman and medieval periods. Among the four adjacent archaeological sites is an Early Mesolithic occupation site, also with organic preservation, and there is a Late Neolithic site beneath the large enclosure. Desiccation throughout the common is leading to the damage and loss of wooden and organic remains. It is hoped that the publication of these results, of investigations between 1987 and 1993, will lead to a fuller investigation taking place.


Author(s):  
Tracey Warren ◽  
Clare Lyonette

Author(s):  
John T. Koch

‘Celticity’ means the quality of being Celtic. ‘Celticization’ means the process or event(s) of becoming Celtic. Thus, Celticity involves a static or synchronic perspective and Celticization a dynamic, diachronic one. ‘Celtic’ is used here in a linguistic sense, because the debates of the past few decades over the term ‘Celtic’ seem to have left intact the concept of the Celtic languages as a proven and closely definable scientific fact, whereas Celtic culture (including Celtic art), Celtic identity, and so on, remain controversial and are prone to ambiguity (see e.g., James 1999; Sims-Williams 1998). Therefore, ‘Celtic’ here means belonging to the Indo-European sub-family of languages represented by the living Irish, Scottish Gaelic, Welsh, and Breton. These four, together with the recently extinct and now revived Manx and Cornish, and the ancient Celtiberian, Gaulish, Galatian, and Lepontic together form a genetic language family. That means, rather than having anything to do with biological genetics per se, that these languages show systematic similarities—more closely with one another than with any other attested language or group of languages—implying that they descend from a single proto-language, usually called ‘Common Celtic’ or ‘Proto-Celtic’, which had been the speech of a people, who had once formed a coherent community, occupying a particular geographic territory, at a particular time. The principle is the same as Latin and the Romance languages (French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Spanish), but in the case of classical Latin and its daughter languages the ancient proto-language is fully attested and its epicentre can be pinpointed in time and space. It is highly unlikely that Celtic or a language directly ancestral to it was the first language spoken by human beings in any part of Europe. For example, Celtic was not the language of Palaeolithic France nor of Mesolithic Ireland. Proto-Celtic is the descendant of another reconstructable language, Indo- European, which itself dates, according to various experts, somewhere within the Neolithic or Early Bronze Age (Mallory 1989). How does a language appear in a country? We shall consider three general paradigms.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document