scholarly journals Introduction: Colonial Public Spheres and the Worlds of Print

Itinerario ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-242
Author(s):  
Emma Hunter ◽  
Leslie James

AbstractA growing literature explores the varying role of print media in the colonial world and the new types of publics such newspapers and periodicals produced. However, this literature has tended to focus on specific regions, and has often sidestepped the larger question of how to conceptualise the relationship between print media and colonial rule. While some have used the term ‘colonial public sphere’ or ‘colonial publics,’ others have preferred to avoid these terms and instead thought in terms of multiple and overlapping publics. What this literature has shown is that a single analytic model for analysing public spaces of discourse is not usable. In this Introduction to our Special Issue we propose a new framework for studying the publics created through print media in the colonial world. We outline a set of four factors – addressivity, performativity, materiality and periodicity – that can be applied to specific historical case studies. We then explain how the issue as a whole models this methodology as a means to analyse how print media (as one medium within the public sphere) functioned in specific colonial and semi-colonial spaces around the world.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Johanis Putratama Kamuri

This research was conducted to answer the question of what competent politicians are and the relationship between the strategies they use in the public sphere with moral and religious principles. The research rests on the thesis that the competence of politicians cannot be separated from morality and religiosity. The goal is achieved through asymmetrical comparison of the teachings of Jesus with Machiavelli's political thoughts. The teachings of Jesus and Machiavelli's thoughts–about the situation of public sphere, the strategy used to overcome the situation and the role of moral and religious principles in the public sphere–will be compared to understand and answer the questions asked. It shows that competencies have relations with effective strategies to overcome the unideal situations in political public sphere and the application of value systems that limit the use of political strategies. Thus, political strategy has a strong relationship with religiosity and morality.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 601-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn A Stacheli

Interpretations of women's activism depend on the ways in which analysts conceptualize the relations between privacy, publicity, and politics, in this paper the relationship between women's standing in the public sphere and their activism is problematized. Women's activism is shaped by strategic, and sometimes opportunistic, choices to locate their activism either in public or in private spaces. These choices point to the importance of reconceptualizing publicity and privacy in ways that separate the content of actions from the spaces in which action is taken. Such a distinction creates the possibility of taking private actions into public spaces and of taking public actions in private spaces. When the content of action is separated from the spaces of action, women's activism is evaluated in terms of the efficacy of various actions in either public or private spaces, rather than in terms of women's presumed lack of access to the public sphere.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 161
Author(s):  
Yuliatin Yuliatin

Kajian ini hendak melihat fenomena ajaran Salafi tentang kesetaraan gender. Sebagaimana diketahui, secara umum pemahaman ajaran Salafi cenderung memandang peran perempuan secara terbatas, baik di ruang domestik dan ruang publik. Fenomena tersebut mengakar kuat hingga dipraktekkan dalam basis pendidikan pesantren Salafiyyah. Namun demikian, terjadi pergeseran paham di kalangan elit pesantren Salafiyyah di Jambi, di mana, mereka mulai memberikan ruang kepada perempuan untuk berinteraksi di ruang publik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dengan pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Fokus penelitian dilaksanakan di dua Pesantren Salafi, al Baqiyatush Shalihat di Kabupaten Tanjung Jabung Barat dan Sa’adatuddarain di Seberang Kota Jambi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan: Pertama, secara umum kaum Salafi di kedua Pesantren memahami adanya kesetaraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Mereka mengartikulasikan ayat-ayat al- Qur’an lebih luwes. Namun, dalam persoalan kepemimpinan perempuan, mereka masih “membatasi” dengan berasumsi bahwa Qs. An-Nisa: 34 sudah final. Kedua, terjadi perubahan dalam memahami isu gender terutama di Pesantren al Baqiyatush-Shalihat, di mana, mereka lebih moderat dengan memberikan akses kepada perempuan untuk beraktivitas di ruang publik, seperti untuk sekolah, kuliah hingga bekerja. Hal yang berbeda ditemukan di Pesantren Sa’adatuddarain. Kalangan elit pesentren belum memberikan kebebasan kepada perempuan untuk melakukan aktivitas di luar pesantren. Ketiga, pemahaman elit pesantren Salafi tidak berpengaruh di lingkungan sekitar pesantren, terbukti para perempuan di sekitar pesantren tetap aktif berkegiatan di ruang publik sebagaimana pemahaman moderasi Islam selama ini.[This study wants to look at the phenomenon of Salafi teachings on gender equality. In general, the Salafis see the role of women is limited, both in the domestic and public sphere. This phenomenon is so deeply rooted that it is practiced on the basis of the Salafiyyah Islamic boarding school. However, there was a shift in understanding among the Salafiyyah pesantren elite in Jambi, in which they began to provide space for women to interact in the public sphere. This study uses a qualitative approach and collects the data through observation, interviews and documentation. The focus of the study was conducted at two Salafi Pesantren, al Baqiyatush Shalihat in Tanjung Jabung Barat District and Sa’adatuddarain in Seberang, Jambi City. The results show that : First, in general, the Salafis in both Pesantren understand the existence of equality between men and women. They articulate verses of the Qur’an more flexible. However, in the case of women’s leadership, they still “limit” women, by assuming that the interpretation of Qs. An-Nisa: 34 is final. Secondly, there has been a change in understanding gender issues especially in al Baqiyatush-Shalihat Islamic Boarding School, where they are more moderate by giving access to women to do activities in public spaces, such as for schools, going to university and working. Different thing is found in the Sa’adatuddarain Islamic Boarding School. The elite Pesantren have not given freedom to women to carry out activities outside the Pesantren. Third, the understanding of the Salafi Pesantren elite does not affect the environment around the Pesantren. Itt is a fact that the women around the Pesantren remain active in public spaces as it is found in moderate Islam.]


LOGOS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Leo Agung Srie Gunawan ◽  
Nathanio Chris Maranatha Bangun

Today, the role of religions still exists in the public sphere. Habermas sees that religious citizens tend to give their aspirations in the public sphere in a destructive way. As a result, A religion is considered the cause of crime. Actually, It has a various positive benefits to be brought into the public sphere. Therefore, they can convey aspirations in a more appropriate way, namely through a religious discourse. The religious discourse is an act of discourse, that is a discussion with arguments to reach a rational consensus of the best arguments, in the realm of religion. It involves the religious, the secular, and the citizens. It also faces several challenges such as religious fundamentalism, religious privatization, and political religiofication, but it is very relevant to Indonesia, which has many religions and belief streams. Particularly, it is important to see how the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia in order to should be realized.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (8) ◽  
pp. 961-984
Author(s):  
Nathan Eckstrand

This article explores the relationship between deliberative democracy, the Internet, and systems theory’s thoughts on diversity. After introducing Habermas’s theory of deliberative democracy and how diversity fits into it, the article discusses various ideas about whether and how it could work on the Internet. Next, the article looks at research into diversity done in the field of complex adaptive systems, showing that diversity has both good and bad effects, but is clearly preferred for the purpose of survival. The article concludes with an analysis of how the results of systems theory’s study of diversity can assist society in bringing democracy to the Web.


Author(s):  
Auby Jean-Bernard

This chapter investigates four lines of transformation and the impact they have had — and still have — on European administrative laws. These are the evolutionary trends regarding the relationship between the public sphere and society, between public spaces and private ones, between the state and the market, and, finally, between the international and the domestic sphere. The chapter first considers how the administrative state and related orders of administrative law came into being in Europe. It then questions the factors and the main lines of transformation in contemporary evolutions, before considering the impact these evolutions have on the intellectual paradigms that are applied in administrative laws' theorization. Finally, the chapter addresses the future of the main models of administrative law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Petrus Tan

<p><em>This article tries to elaborate the relationship between post-secularism, democracy and the public role of religion. The facts of religion’s global revival show the failure of secularization thesis about the disappearance of religion from the public sphere. In political philosophy and social sciences, this phenomenon is called post-secularism. In this article, post-secularism is understood as a phenomenon of religion’s revival in the public sphere or the legitimacy for public role of religion. This understanding is especially necessary  to encourage religion in addressing political, social and humanitarian issues. However, this understanding does not ignore the fact that religion often becomes a scandal and terror for democracy. Therefore, in this article, post-secularism also needs another understanding, namely as "awareness of a reciprocal learning process" between religion and secularity, religious and secular citizens, faith and reason, religious doctrine and public reason. The last model of post-secularism is urgently needed in Indonesia.</em><strong><em></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Key words</em></strong><em>: Post-secularism, secularization, religion, democracy.</em></p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-492 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark LeVine

Much of the literature on the contemporary Middle East explores the relationship of strong, authoritarian states with Islamist groups; the professional literature also has examined the role of strong societies with weak states. There has been less study of the role of the various players in weak states with weak societies. This article examines the cases of Palestine and Iraq, two societies undergoing occupation and with weak state structures, and the role of Islamist and other movements within them.


2019 ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Veronika Antoniou ◽  
René Carraz ◽  
Yiorgos Hadjichristou ◽  
Teresa Tourvas

Urban Gorillas, a Cyprus based NGO, emerged at the aftermath of the 2013 socio-economic crisis where the notion of publicness was deeply shaken. A cross-examination of the public sphere has led the team to coin the term publicscape and identify working methodologies within this context. Urban Gorillas took on the role of a catalyst between underused public spaces and the society’s uneasy relationship with the notion of publicness. The work, spontaneous in nature, temporarily transforms spaces while creating permanent human networks. The recurring temporariness that characterises the actions revokes activism in the social structure, revitalising physical spaces and inspiring an urban culture of participation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


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