Embedded authority: a relational network approach to hierarchy in world politics

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul K. MacDonald

AbstractRelations of sovereign inequality permeate international politics, and a growing body of literature grapples with the question of how states establish and sustain hierarchy amidst anarchy. I argue that existing literature on hierarchy, for all its diverse insights, misses what makes hierarchy unique in world politics. Hierarchy is not simply the presence of inequality or stratification among actors, but rather an authority relationship in which a dominant actor exercises some modicum of control over a subordinate one. This authority relationship, moreover, is dramatically different than ones found in domestic hierarchies. It is shaped less by written laws or formal procedures, than by subtle forms of manipulation and the development of informal practices. For this reason, hierarchy cannot simply be reduced the to the dynamics of anarchy, and must be viewed as a relational phenomenon. Ties between actors create positions that permit dominant actors to appropriate and orchestrate the sharing of authority with subordinate intermediaries. This article develops this relational network approach, highlighting how concepts such as access, brokerage, and yoking can illuminate the processes by which authority is enlisted and appropriated in world politics.

Author(s):  
A Subotin

Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Muzaffar ◽  
Zahid Yaseen ◽  
Nazim Rahim

World is transforming again from unipolar to multipolar. Many regional powers are emerging on the canvas of international politics. Complex interdependence has taken its place and due to this phenomenon old rivals are now making alliances and friendships. Not even a single state can afford to exist in isolation. Keeping this entire scenario in view this study analyses the future of world politics at extent of political interaction and the next power structure of 21st century. In Past, the order of polarity shifted from bipolar to Unipolar as considered the transition of power in international world. The increasing trends of multipolarity have been allied with these three factors: The end of US hegemony, the peaceful rise of China and other emerging states in different regions, and the shifting nature of power structure from Unipolarity to Multipolarity. This study is qualitative and analytical predictive which is employed to develop and substantiate arguments. The spectacles of modern-day noticed that the peaceful raise of China as foremost new power effect the configuration of international politics. Last decades showed the most rapid economic rate of China. Revivalism of Russia and rise of other states including China will soon overtake the US hegemony. The theoretical framework provides the basic assumptions of this transition of Unipolarity to Multipolarity due to emerging trends of international relations.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-446
Author(s):  
Kurt P. Tauber

The formation of attitudes and expectations in international politics—if they are to be adequate bases for action—must rest upon, among other things, a correct appraisal of the motives of the leaders of other countries and of the means by which they achieve their objectives. In a recent article in World Politics entitled “Science and Politics in the U.S.S.R.: The Genetics Debate,” Miss Pamela N. Wrinch discusses the possible ideological motives (as well as, speculatively, some of the psychological ones) which give impetus to the eradication of disapproved scientific theories and procedures, and the argumentative means employed in this stamping-out process. Though the article is fully convincing in presenting a clear picture of Soviet debating techniques, Miss Wrinch is less successful on the score of assessing the motives for the official opposition to certain theories in Soviet Russia.


1984 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuen Foong Khong

The systematic critique of scientific approaches to international politics began with Stanley Hoffmann's provocative 1960 essay, climaxed with Hedley Bull's popular piece in World Politics six years later and breathed its last gasp with Oran Young's attack on Russett's International Regions and The International System in 1969, Since then, the traditionalists have chosen to ignore the behavioralists.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 203-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerry Goettlich

This article argues that the dominance of precise, linear borders as an ideal in the demarcation of territory is an outcome of a relatively recent and ongoing historical process, and that this process has had important effects on international politics since circa 1900. Existing accounts of the origins of territorial sovereignty are in wide disagreement largely because they fail to specify the relationship between territory and borders, often conflating the two concepts. I outline a history of the linearization of borders, which is separate from that of territorial sovereignty, having a very different timeline and featuring different actors, and offer an explanation for the dominance of this universalizing system of managing and demarcating space, based on the concept of rationalization. Finally, I describe two broad ways in which linearizing borders has affected international politics: by making space divisible in new ways; and underpinning hierarchies by altering the distribution of geographical knowledge resources.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Katrine Emilie Andersen ◽  
Lene Hansen

AbstractHow are images, emotions, and international politics connected? This article develops a theoretical framework contributing to visuality and emotions research in International Relations. Correcting the understanding that images cause particular emotional responses, this article claims that emotionally laden responses to images should be seen as performed in foreign policy discourses. We theorise images as objects of interpretation and contestation, and emotions as socially constituted rather than as individual ‘inner states’. Emotional bundling – the coupling of different emotions in discourse – helps constitute political subjectivities that both politicise and depoliticise. Through emotional bundling political leaders express their experiences of feelings shared by all humans, and simultaneously articulate themselves in authoritative and gendered subject positions such as ‘the father’. We illustrate the value of our framework by analysing the photographs of Alan Kurdi, a three-year-old Syrian-Kurdish boy who drowned in September 2015. ‘Kurdi’ became an instant global icon of the Syrian refugee crisis. World leaders expressed their personal grief and determination to act, but within a year, policies adopted with direct reference to Kurdi's tragic death changed from an open-door approach to attempts to stop refugees from arriving. A discursive-performative approach opens up new avenues for research on visuality, emotionality, and world politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 225 ◽  
pp. 73-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qingjie Zeng

AbstractSince the early 1990s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has put in place a series of measures to allow more Party members to participate in the cadre selection process. “Intra-party democracy” was promoted as a remedy to solve the corruption and social tension that resulted from overly concentrated personnel power. How effective are these formal procedures in constraining the appointment power of core Party leaders and institutionalizing the influence of a larger group of cadres? Drawing on archival research, interviews and quantitative data, this paper examines two components of intra-party democratic reform: “democratic recommendation,” which serves as a gateway to cadre promotion, and the semi-competitive elections at Party congresses. This in-depth study finds that the efforts to expand bottom-up participation are hindered by loopholes in formal regulations, informal practices and the frequent rotation of Party officials. Meanwhile, the reform measures have brought changes to the personnel system by complicating the Party secretaries' exercise of appointment power and altering the incentives of ambitious cadres. The implementation of intra-party democracy could improve the vitality of one-party rule, and its ebbs and flows imply a divide within China's top leadership over the direction of political change.


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