IV.—The Easby Cross

Archaeologia ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 81 ◽  
pp. 43-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Longhurst

In August 1930 the Victoria and Albert Museum was enabled to purchase a fragment of a tall cross of the well-known Northumbrian type, of which the best-known examples are perhaps the Bewcastle and Ruthwell crosses. This fragment, which had been for a long time in private possession at Easby in Yorkshire, has frequently been illustrated as one of the finer examples of the carving of the period. It shows on the one broad face Christ Enthroned in Majesty between two angels (pi. xxv, fig. 1); on the other, magnificently designed vine scrolls with a bird, probably an eagle or a falcon, and a beast (I would rather not specify the breed) in the convolutions (pi. xxv, fig. 3). On the two narrow sides are panels of interlaced ornament and vine scrolls, separated by bands of pearled ornament (pi. xxv, fig. 2). Mr. W. G. Collingwood, both in his contribution on Anglo-Saxon sculpture in the Victoria County History of Yorkshire and in his later work on the Northumbrian crosses,2 noted two other fragments built into the fabric of the parish church at Easby, which, though only one narrow face was visible, appeared to him to be of the same date, and to have come from the same or a similar cross. Another small piece 3 with a bust of Christ was also noted by him on the outside of the south wall of the chancel. Last autumn permission was obtained by the authorities of the Victoria and Albert Museum to cut out these stones and to replace them with plain masonry. The carved stones, which were brought to the Museum for cleaning, were found to be covered on three sides to a depth of two or three inches with hard mortar; on cleaning this off the stones were found to show on two of the broad faces busts of eleven of the twelve Apostles, ranged in groups of three or more under arches (pi. xxvi, fig. 1, xxvn, fig. 1), the halo of the twelfth head appearing at the bottom of the fragment already in the possession of the Museum. This shows quite clearly the order of arrangement of the stones–the Christ in Majesty at the top, with the Apostles below. Mr. Collingwood, only having one stone to go upon, had restored them the other way round with the Christ at the bottom. The other faces of these two fragments of the shaft show vine scrolls and interlacing panels similar to the first piece (pi. xxvi, figs. 2 and 3, xxvn, fig. 2). A reconstruction of the three pieces of the shaft is shown on plate XXVIII. The third fragment recorded by Mr. Collingwood as in the church was found to have on the walled-in side a second bust of Christ and to be, as already suggested by him, a part of the head of the cross (pi. XXVII, figs. 3 and 4). Although now in pieces the cross would seem to have been originally composed of a monolithic shaft with the head carved from a separate stone, as in the case of the Bewcastle and other crosses. The Easby cross must have been violently thrown down at some time, probably during the Danish invasions, and then repaired with lead, a piece of which still remains at the base of the middle stone (pi. xxvi, fig. 3). In this connexion it is interesting to note that Symeon of Durham records the fact that when the Viking raiders of Lindisfarne had broken off the head of a stone cross the two pieces were afterwards joined together by being run with lead. The material of the Easby cross, like the other great crosses of Bewcastle and Ruthwell, is a local stone.

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Emil Hilje

A painting of the Virgin and Child, signed as “OPVUS P. PETRI”, from the former Fareham Collection (today at the Courtauld Institute of Art), has been known in the scholarly literature for a long time but has only been subject to tangential analyses. These studies attempted to attribute it to painters meeting relatively dubious criteria: that their name was Peter (Petar) and that they could be linked to the painting circle of Squarcione or, more specifically, to that of Carlo Crivelli with whose early works, especially the Virgin and Child (the Huldschinsky Madonna) at the Fine Arts Gallery in San Diego, the Courtauld painting shares obvious connections. Roberto Longhi ascribed it to the Paduan painter Pietro Calzetta in 1926, while Franz Drey, in 1929, considered it to be the work of Pietro Alemanno, Crivelli’s disciple, who worked in the Marche region during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. After the Second World War, the Courtauld painting was almost completely ignored by the experts. The only serious judgement was that expressed by Pietro Zampetti, who established that it was an almost exact copy of Crivelli’s Huldschinsky Madonna, meaning that if Calzetti had painted it, he would have done it while Carlo was still in the Veneto, before he went to Zadar.The search for information which can shed more light on the attribution of the Virgin and Child from the Courtauld is aided by the valuable records in the Fondazione Federico Zeri at the Università di Bologna. The holdings of the Fototeca Zeri include three different photographs of the Courtauld painting with brief but useful accompanying notes. Of particular importance is the intriguing inscription on the back of one of the photographs, which points to the painting’s Dalmatian origin. In a certain way, this opens the possibility that it might be linked to another painter who was close to the Crivelli brothers: the Zadar priest and painter Petar Jordanić. That he may have been the one who painted it is indicated by the signature itself, which could be read as “OPVUS P(RESBITERI) PETRI”.Archival records about Petar Jordanić provide almost no information about his work as a painter. Apart from his signature of 1493 on a no-longer extant polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, the only record of his artistic activities is one piece of information: that in 1500 he took part in a delegation which was sent from Zadar to its hinterland charged with the task of making drawings of the terrain which could be used to help defend the town against the Ottoman Turks. However, more than thirty documents which mention him do paint a picture of his life’s journey and his connection with Zadar. The most important basis for any consideration of a possible connection between Petar Jordanić and Carlo Crivelli can be found in the will of his father Marko Jordanov Nozdronja (in late 1468) where Petar was named as the executor, meaning that at this point he was of age. Therefore, it can be concluded that he was born between 1446 and 1448. This makes him old enough to have been taught by Carlo during his stay in Zadar from c. 1460 to 1466. Although relatively modest, the oeuvre of Petar Jordanić demonstrates striking connections with the paintings of Carlo and Vittore Crivelli, and Ivo Petricioli has already put forward a hypothesis that he may have been taught by one of the brothers.The comparison between the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London and the known works of Petar Jordanić (the Virgin and Child from a private collection in Vienna; the Virgin and Child from the Parish Church at Tkon; fragments of a painted ceiling from Zadar Cathedral; the lost polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar) reveals a multitude of similar features. Apart from the general resemblance in the physiognomies of the Virgin and Christ Child which represent the most conspicuous analogies, a number of very specific “Morellian” elements can also be noted in the manner in which the faces were painted. These similarities are particularly apparent when one compares the head of the Christ Child on the painting from London and his head on the one from Tkon, which are almost identically depicted. Further similarities between the London painting and the one at Vienna can be seen in the way in which landscapes were painted and in the similar decorations of the gold fabrics in the backgrounds with their undulating scrolls and sharp almond-shaped leaves.However, with regard to visual characteristics, it is apparent at first sight that the quality of the London painting is markedly higher and that it is stylistically more advanced than those works which are attributed with certainty to Jordanić. These differences can be explained by the possibility that this was a more or less direct copy of one of Carlo Crivelli’s painting, probably not the Huldschinsky Madonna but one that was very similar to it and subsequently lost.Naturally, if the London painting is attributed to Petar Jordanić, meaning that it was produced in Zadar, then the argument on the basis of which the Huldschinsky Madonna has been dated to the time before Crivelli’s arrival in Zadar becomes a counter-argument, and, in that way, corroborates the possibility that the Huldschinsky Madonna, which shares a large number of similar elements with the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art, was created while Carlo was in Zadar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 275-305
Author(s):  
Patrick W. Otim

Abstract:In 1953, Lacito Okech, a precolonial royal messenger, Christian convert, and colonial chief, became the first Acholi to write and publish a history of his people. The book was instantly popular, inspiring many other Acholi to write histories of their respective chiefdoms. However, although these works constitute the bulk of vernacular Acholi histories, scholars have not paid attention to them, partly because of language limitations and partly due to limited scholarly interest in the history of the region. This article uses Okech’s life and book to explore important questions about the production of local history in colonial Acholiland. In particular, it explores Okech’s adroit manipulation of his complex circumstances at the intersection of the roles of messenger, convert, and colonial employee, his dilemmas as a local historian, and the influence of his roles as an intermediary between the Acholi on the one hand and the Church Missionary Society and the colonial regime on the other on his writing of history.


1967 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-202
Author(s):  
Th. M. Steeman

This study is intended as an attempt, on the one hand, to collect and order a number of salient facts concerning modern Dutch Catholicism, on the other hand, on the basis of these facts to render more compre hensible the movement at present stirring in the Church and which appears at first sight to be a confusion of conflicting tendencies, in a historico-sociological perspective. The author employs in his observations both the available statistical information, relative to the present-day vitality of Dutch Catholicism, and the likewise clearly evident tendencies toward renewal, and attempts to bring both aspects to a synthesis in a total view. Here it is primarily a matter of placing the ascertainable decline in religious practice, which incidentally goes hand in hand with a greater stability of Catholic social, political and educational institutions, into a closer connection with the tendencies toward renewal. Therefore, the general conclusion of this study is not that Dutch Catholicism is declining but that it has taken a different form now that the social emancipation struggle in this country may be considered over. It is in essence no loss in vitality but a vitality with a different objective. Dutch Catholicism is strong but finds itself, precisely because it has successfully fought a hard battle for emancipation, in a completely different situation, forcing it to re-orientate itself. From this inner strength it is now experiencing a crisis in a search for forms in which, in the world of today, now that it is full-grown, it can express itself adequately. The study thus states that what is going on at present in Dutch Catholicism is comprehensibly seen from its own history, albeit in close contact with the more general tendencies in the history of the West. At the heart of the renewal lies a striving for a more authentic Christianity, just as the alienation of ecclesiastical Christianity lies at the heart of de-churching with regard to modern man. In essence here we are concerned with the fact that the Catholic of our times, who has himself become a modern man in every respect in the emancipation struggle, now wishes to be modern in his religious life too, or rather, by his being modern has become conscious in a different way of the significance of his faith in the Gospel and in Jesus Christ. He consequently experiences the tension between modern life and ecclesiastical life as an inner tension. For those who find themselves at the heart of the renewal, the phase of dialogue between Church and world - in which Church and world are involved in discussion as independent entities - is past; for them it is an inner struggle for an understanding of Christ's message now, in this world. This theme is explained by various examples. In this it is not the concern of the author to take up a personal position in the discussions, but more to arrive at an understanding of the tendencies in the light of the dynamics revealed in them, which must be made understandable in their turn historically and sociologically. Moreover, the author presents a few principles from which the fact that the situation itself appears so confused, can be understood. The dynamics emerge at a moment in which the traditional ecclesiastical forms for large groups have, it is true, lost their meaning, but for others have retained their full significance. All these things cannot go without conflict, without pain and sorrow on the one hand, without courage and impatience on the other.


Archaeologia ◽  
1827 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 113-116
Author(s):  
John Bruce

The derivation of the word “Mass” having lately been the subject of our conversation, I am induced to offer you the following Remarks upon it, from which I think it will appear that the word, as used to signify the service of the Roman Catholic Church, is wholly distinct, both in derivation and sense, from “mas” the adjunct to Christ, &c. in the words, “Christmas,” “Candlemas,” “Lammas,” &c. In the former sense it seems to come from the Latin “Missa,” and in the latter from the Anglo-Saxon “mærre;” the one having been used in the early ages of the Church as a word of dismission to the congregation, or a part of it, and the other signifying a feast or solemn festival.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina V. Sklizkova

Any historico-cultural type creates its own model of the world which is formed by universal for the society ideas and thoughts. The Middle ages are one of the most complicated, very many-sided and contradictory epochs. It was built by several large and active strata. Such subdivision was manifested in mosaicism of cultural heritage, where different phenomena can be viewed as a pattern of separate culture, though coherent in sociocultural characteristics. The dualism of the epoch reflects on the one hand in cultural globalism for whole Europe, one the other hand in variations within. Aesthetic views were mostly manifested at court, accumulated and shown as a signs. Aristocracy partly artificially synthesized its culture, shaping in the most attractive form. It was structuralized in common European context, having absorbed local cultures, primary so called Anglo-Saxon. Though any 3–5 centuries the territory of the British Isles was being marched through by a new wave of invaders, changed the culture. So it is possible to examine the unique cultures of these peoples and their impact to British one. Although the history of Russia exists in another context, it is the history of not consequent main cultures but the history of one nation. Certainly, as the multiethnic state Russia includes many cultures of many peoples but the central and cementing one, made the country as it stands, is Russian.


Archaeologia ◽  
1928 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 241-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.R. Peers

The history of the monastery of Reculver is short and scanty. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records that in 669 Egbert, king of Kent, gave ‘Raculf’ to Bassa, the mass priest, mynster to tymbrianne. Ten years later there occurs a grant by King Lothair of Kent to Brihtwald, abbot of the monastery of ‘Raculf’, showing that the monastery was then in being. In 692 abbot Brihtwald was made Archbishop of Canterbury, a promotion unlikely to have come to the head of a small and obscure house. In 747 King Eadberht of Kent granted to Abbot Denebach the toll of one ship in Fordwich, and in 761 was himself buried in the abbey church. After that no record survives, except that in 949 King Edred granted Reculver and its possessions to the archbishopric of Canterbury. The abbey may have been laid waste by the Danes; at any rate it had evidently ceased to exist as a monastic house by the tenth century. It continued thenceforward as a parish church, and remained in use till 1805, when on account of its distance from the houses of parishioners it was abandoned and partly pulled down. Its western towers, with their wooden spires, were left standing as a seamark, and came under the control of the Trinity House. Finally in 1925 the church and its site were placed in the charge of the Commissioners of Works under the terms of the Ancient Monuments Act of 1913.


2021 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Andrzej Napiórkowski

What is the Ascension? Is it merely a narrative of a post-paschal community? In what spatio-temporal reality has it been fulfilled? How should we understand its placement in time: forty days after the Resurrection, and ten days prior to the Descent of the Holy Spirit? The Ascension should be analyzed integrally in connection with the mystery of death and the Resurrection. This paper presents an attempt at deepening New-Testament ecclesiogenesis while also moving away from the narrowed understanding that the Church emerged solely as a result of the words, deeds and person of Jesus Christ. On the one hand, it is a reference to the five stages of the Church's emergence as an event of the entire Holy Trinity in the still-unfinished history of salvation. On the other: it is a presentation of the typically ignored of the Ascension, which is usually reduced to the event of the Resurrection of the glorious Lord. Analysis of the Ascension – performed in the light of ecclesiogenesis – leads to uncovering the pneumatological and eschatological components, which are most interesting in reference to the multi-dimensional establishment of the Church and its mission.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 208-214
Author(s):  
Sergey Viktorovich Bandilet

This paper is devoted to perception of the February Revolution, the October revolution and the Civil War in Russia in Canadian historiography. The paper considers, firstly, works of historians - Canadian citizens, secondly, works of scientists from other countries who have worked in Canada for a long time and, thirdly, works of foreigners, who published in Canadian scientific journals. All of the above works can be divided into three groups. Firstly, these are fundamental works on the history of the Russian Revolution and Civil War. Secondly, these are works devoted to foreign intervention in Russia and Canadian participation of Canada in this intervention. Thirdly, these are works relating to other particular aspects of this subject. The authors of all considered works refer to the February Revolution as an important step for democracy in Russia. Canadian historiography mainly condemns the October Revolution and criticizes Bolsheviks for authoritarianism and radicalism. The attitude of Canadian scientists to the White Guards is ambiguous. On the one hand, there is a certain sympathy for the Whites as allies of the Entente (and Canada). But on the other hand, the Whites are condemned for their ill-conceived domestic policies and for inability to reach a compromise with each other. The Canadian historiography of the 1917-1922 events in Russia is now practically unexplored, and therefore it is of scientific interest.


10.35468/5914 ◽  
2021 ◽  

For a long time, historical educational research has seen a decline in its representation in university teaching and academic posts. Concurrently, its thematic and methodological variation has expanded impressively in the last two decades. This volume, dedicated to Edith Glaser, aims to enrich the legitimacy discourse on the importance and necessity of educational historical expertise from two perspectives. On the one hand, it presents exemplary fields of research in the history of education, on the other hand, contributions show the relevance of historical educational research for other (sub-)disciplines.


2008 ◽  
pp. 68-79
Author(s):  
Valeriy Volodymyrovych Klymov

An unbiased analysis of the history of the coexistence of church institutions and politics in any state shows that the chronicle of such coexistence appears, in large part, as a history of attempts to use, with greater or lesser success, on the one hand, by church political structures, and on the other, by the church of political structures, or politicians. The history of these interconnected relationships goes back to the times when both institutions in the process of their formation and development began to represent a certain socially influential force, a real and potential resource which could be used to solve operational and strategic political or religious-church problems in any which field of social life (political, economic, social, spiritual, legal, national, military, etc.).


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