New Dimensions in China's Foreign Policy

1960 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Klaus H. Pringsheim
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
East European ◽  
Developmental Factors ◽  
Imperial Germany ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
European Trade

The fact that Liu Shao-ch'i, Chairman of the Chinese People's Republic, since last October has accepted a series of invitations to visit the Eastern European satellites “at an appropriate time” is one indication of Peking's growing interest in developing her relations with these countries. The now fairly close relationships between China and the Eastern European satellites are a rather new dimension in Communist China's foreign policy posture and represent a radical break with China's traditional non-involvement in European affairs. Geographical remoteness, the inability to communicate, lack of interest, and preoccupation with the problems of her more immediate surroundings effectively isolated China from involvement in European affairs until very recent times. It is true that traders intermittently journeyed between China and European trade centres, carrying on a limited exchange of goods, but these exchanges had only a very marginal significance. Western imperialist encroachment upon China in recent centuries, particularly the nineteenth, finally brought to China an awareness of the principal powers of Western Europe, such as Portugal, Spain, England, the Netherlands, Imperial Germany, France, Italy, and Austria-Hungary. Much against her will China was eventually forced into unequal “treaty relations” with these European powers, as well as with Japan, Russia, and the United States of America. However China's political, commercial, and cultural relations with the nations now known as the “East European satellites” were virtually non-existent until 1949. The reasons for this lag lie in obvious historical, political, and developmental factors. When the Chinese door was kicked open in the fifth decade of the nineteenth century the East European nations either were not at the time independent or simply did not exist (East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) as national entities as yet. Even had they existed, it is doubtful whether they would have been in a position to participate in the scramble for trade advantage, concessions, and souls characteristic of the “treaty powers.”

scholarly journals Roads to Reconciliation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Samarani ◽  
Carla Meneguzzi Rostagni ◽  
Sofia Graziani
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Research ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
International Workshop ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
Research Papers ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
The Cold War

This volume include essays originally delivered at the international workshop Italy, Europe, China: Economic, Political and Cultural Relations During the Cold War Years (1949-1971) held at the Department of Asian and African Studies of Ca’ Foscari University of Venice on 13th-14th February 2014 as well as invited research papers by two international outstanding scholars who have made valuable contributions to the study of China’s foreign policy and engagement in the ’50s and ’60s. The book illustrates recent trends in international research on China-Western Europe relations in the years of intense Cold War, complicating the long-held image of Mao-era China as sealed off from the outside world.

China's foreign policy towards Africa in the 1990s

1998 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Tiananmen Square ◽  
Thawing Process ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Intimate Relations ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The People's Republic of China's (PRC's) policy towards Africa in the 1990s has its roots in the crisis surrounding the Tiananmen Square crackdown on 4 June 1989, and the heavy and persistent criticism by the developed world levelled against Beijing's human rights record since that date. Previous to this, the importance of the African continent to China had become less and less important in the 1980s, as the Cold War underwent a thawing process and China's modernisation project demanded foreign investment and technological assistance. Though Chinese officials paid rhetorical lip service to such issues as South–South co-operation, the reality of the situation was that Beijing was mainly interested in maintaining intimate relations with those countries from which it could benefit economically. In stark contrast to China's position in the 1960s and 1970s, exhortations and propaganda grounded in Maoist foundations disappeared, for the ‘socialist modernisation’ project of Deng Xiaoping demanded economic investment and a non-conflictual approach to international politics. As a result, non-ideological relations with the United States, Western Europe and Japan based on expanding trade links and co-operation took a priority in China's foreign policy formulation.

scholarly journals Does cultural heritage affect job satisfaction? The East-West divide

2015 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-337
Author(s):  
Nikica Mojsoska-Blazevski ◽  
Marjan Petreski ◽  
Venera Krliu-Handjiski
Keyword(s):  
Job Satisfaction ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Considerable Effect ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
East European ◽  
Values And Beliefs ◽  
Slow Moving ◽  
Eastern European Countries

The objective of this paper is to examine the factors influencing workers’ job satisfaction aside from the conventional factors, in the light of basic cultural values and beliefs, and then to set this into a comparative perspective for three groups of countries: South-East European (SEE) countries, Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) and Western Europe. Cultural values are grouped into traditional vs. secular-rational values and survival vs. self-expression values. The main result of the study is that culture has a considerable effect on job satisfaction across all groups of countries under investigation. However, there are between-group differences in terms of the relative importance of specific cultural values for job satisfaction. We also find some evidence suggesting the persistency of cultures and slow-moving institutions.

The Sino-Soviet Split and Problems for the United States in Asia, Europe, and the Americas, 1956–64

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy

This chapter examines the Sino-Soviet split and its implications for the United States' policies in Asia, Europe, and the Americas during the period 1956–1964. Coordination and comity in the communist camp peaked between 1953 and 1957, but alliance between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) was relatively short-lived. This was caused by ideological differences, distrust, and jealous rivalries for international leadership between Nikita Khrushchev and Mao Zedong. The chapter explains what caused the strain in Sino-Soviet relations, and especially the collapse of Sino-Soviet military and economic cooperation. It also considers the effects of the Sino-Soviet disputes on third-party communists in Asia, China's foreign policy activism, and the catalytic effect of the Sino-Soviet split on Soviet foreign policy.

Memory Wars in the East European Frontier: In Search of Research Methodology

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Daniil A. Anikin ◽  
◽  
Andrey A. Linchenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
East European ◽  
German Model ◽  
Western European ◽  
Spatio Temporal ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Impact

Within the framework of this article, the theoretical and methodological framework of the philosophical interpretation of the concept “memory wars” was analyzed. In the context of criticism of allochronism and the project of the politics of time by B. Bevernage, as well as the concept of the frontier by F. Turner, the space-time aspects of the content of memory wars were comprehended. The use of Bevernage's ideas made it possible to explain the nature of modern memory wars in Europe. The origins of these wars are associated with an attempt to transfer the Western European project of “cosmopolitan” memory, in which Western Europe turns out to be a kind of a “referential” framework of historical modernity, to the countries of Eastern Europe after 1989. The uncritical use of Western European historical experience as a “reference” leads to a superficial copying of the politics of memory, which runs counter to the politics of the time in Eastern Europe. In Eastern Europe, the idea of two totalitarianisms is presented as a single and internally indistinguishable era, and the politics of modern post-socialist states are based on the idea of a radical spatio-temporal distancing from their recent past. The article analyzes the issue of the specifics of the Eastern European frontier, the conditions for its emergence and the impact on modern forms of implementation of the politics of memory. The frontier arises as a result of the collapse of the colonial empires and becomes a space of symbolic struggle, first between the USSR and Germany, and then between the socialist and capitalist blocs. The crisis of the globalist project of the politics of memory and the transfer of the German model of victimization to the territory of the Eastern European frontier leads to the competition of sacrificial narratives and the escalation of memorial conflicts, turning into full-fledged memory wars. The hybrid nature of the antagonistic politics of memory in the conditions of the frontier leads to the fact that not only the socialist past, but also the national trauma of individual states becomes the subject of memory wars. The increasing complexity of the mnemonic structure of the frontier is associated with the emergence of a number of unrecognized states, whose memory politics, in contrast to the national discourses of Eastern European states, is based on a synthesis of the Soviet legacy and individual elements of the imperial past.

Denuclearization on NATO's Southern Front: Allied Reactions to Soviet Proposals, 1957–1963

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lykourgos Kourkouvelas
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Missile Crisis ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
East European ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Nuclear Missiles

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Soviet Union and its East European allies sought to prevent the installation of U.S. nuclear missiles in Western Europe by embarking on a diplomatic “peace offensive” that included proposals for the creation of denuclearized zones in various geographical areas of Europe. This article considers how the NATO countries responded to these proposals. In the end, the Western allies rejected proposals for the denuclearization of the Balkans and other areas in Europe, but discussions within NATO's councils often proved complicated, especially regarding southern Europe. In the case of the 1957 Stoica proposal for the denuclearization of the Balkans, the leading NATO countries stepped back and let Turkey and Greece reject the proposal, but by 1963, in the aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis, the United States and other key allied countries as well as the NATO bureaucracy assumed a more active role in evaluating and ultimately rejecting the notion of denuclearization in the Mediterranean.

Western Europe and the Gulf Crisis: Towards a European Foreign Policy?

Politics ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Christine Poulon ◽  
Dimitris Bourantonis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gulf Crisis

If European union means anything, it means having a common foreign policy that amounts to more than expressions of pious platitudes. Europe cannot expect anyone to take it seriously if it leaves the United States to defend its interests in the Middle East. ( Independent, 3 August 1990)

scholarly journals ARGENTINA EN EL MUNDO: ¿IDAS Y VUELTAS?

2021 ◽  
pp. 125-135
Author(s):  
Alejandro SIMONOFF
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
Policy Agendas

The article seeks to find the reasons why Argentina’s foreign policy is shown to be oscillating, fundamentally thinking about the latest institutional change, and to explore some of the keys aspects of this event. Argentina’s foreign policy has gone through different stages and the last presidential elections have shown potential changes regarding the future of this agenda. The article begins with a brief review of the foreign policy implemented in the government of Mauricio Macri, based on an alignment with the United States, Western Europe and Japan as world powers. The next section presents analytical perspectives for foreign policy agendas. Subsequently, the article presents an analysis of the notable movements of the government of Mauricio Macri in foreign policy.

scholarly journals German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
German Question ◽  
The Usa

The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.

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