scholarly journals Wildlife Utilization in China

1976 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 200-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Greer ◽  
Robin W. Doughty

Current trends in the utilization of wildlife in China continue a tradition of satisfying material needs for meat, apparel, and medicinal and other products. Wild animals have been hunted to bolster income from agriculture and to supply the industrial sector of the economy with material goods. Decisions about conserving or protecting animals are therefore based largely upon utilitarian premises. If they decrease agricultural productivity or are harmful to humans, predatory animals are heavily persecuted.Chinese biologists have followed initiatives, begun in the Soviet Union, of introducing alien animals to areas where they can multiply and be cropped for commercial purposes. Research also continues to be focused on the possible relocation of faunal elements within China, to develop the market for meat and skins.However, there appears to be a growing concern for preserving certain rare, unusual, and threatened, species because they are unique to China or have beneficial or symbolic value. This concern is likely to increase as studies in animal behaviour, migration, and ecology, demonstrate that significant declines have occurred in the populations of many ‘useful’ birds and mammals.

2020 ◽  
Vol 77 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 159-164
Author(s):  
Olesja Sydorenko ◽  
Lubov Matsko

The article highlights the milestones in the development of the Ukrainian language and discusses the current trends observed mainly in the lexical sub-system as one of the first to reflect social, economic, and political changes in the life of any society. We also present main distinctives features of Ukrainian as one of the Slavic languages and discuss selected aspects of the sociolinguistic situation in Ukraine, as well as the language problems of the Ukrainian diaspora that tries to find a balance between adaptation, blending in the environment and preserving one’s identity. The study of changes in the lexical sub-system of Ukrainian from the break of the Soviet Union to the present day gives an excellent opportunity to reveal the influence of extralinguistic factors, such as the emergence of new realities and certain looseness of speech caused by a sense of freedom in the new society on the enrichment of the general vocabulary with revived words, borrowings, and derivatives, significant changes in onomastics in connection with decommunization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Entina ◽  
Alexander Pivovarenko

The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.


Author(s):  
Reeta Kangas

This article examines how the Soviet Kukryniksy trio used wild animals in their political cartoons to depict the enemies of the Soviet Union. The primary material of this research consists of Kukryniksy’s 39 wild animal cartoons published in Pravda during 1965–1982. For my theoretical and methodological framework, I rely on frame analysis and propaganda theory. My aim is to demonstrate what kind of symbolic functions wild animals have in these cartoons and what kind of characteristics they attach to the enemies depicted. Furthermore, I aim to examine in what kind of frames the world was to be seen according to the Soviet propaganda machine, and how these frames were created with the use of wild animal characters. In these cartoons wild animals are used to reveal the “true” nature of the enemy. The animal’s symbolic functions may derive from the linguistic or other cultural contexts. The cartoons depict the enemy mainly as deceptive and ruthless, but simultaneously predictable to the Soviet Union. They also represent the enemy in a belittling light in order to retain the frame of the superiority of the Soviet Union over its enemies.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-33
Author(s):  
V.A. Feoktistova

The author reviews both the history of the blindness field in the Soviet Union and current trends and programs with emphasis on the development of educational programs for blind and visually impaired children. Psychosocial and employment issues are also addressed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 265-278
Author(s):  
Maksim Nazarenko

The article considers the industry estimates of the USSR of the late socialist period contained in the works of foreign economists. Particular attention is paid to the sovietological interpretations of the state of the USSR industrial sector as well as the economic policy of Soviet leadership in generating growth of industrial production, development of the Eastern regions of the country, innovation and modernization of fixed assets. The author concludes that the studies conducted by foreign scientists make it possible to clarify the assessment of the industrial sector of the Soviet Union before Perestroika and to adjust the estimates of economic development of the USSR of the “Brezhnev Era”.


Slavic Review ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred E. Dohrs

One of the greatest failures of Communist systems everywhere has been in agricultural productivity. In the Soviet Union some thirty-five years of collectivized agriculture have brought but modest increases in yields and gross production of many crops and livestock; growth of agricultural output per capita since even before the Revolution has been even less impressive. Among the Communist countries of Eastern Europe, although collectivization is much more recent, the pattern has been much the same; yields remain low, and gross production as well as per capita increases has been small.Although some areas of Eastern Europe and large parts of the USSR can be classified as physically marginal for agriculture, the low levels of agricultural productivity are primarily attributable to defective organization and operation. There have been years when crop failure in this or that area was the direct result of drought, flood, or other natural cause, but these catastrophes cannot be blamed for the low yields which characterize the longer run. The major obstacles to production gains lie within the collectivized system.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Prince

The U.S.S.R. is destined to play a decisive role in establishing an effective international organization of security. Therefore a summary of current trends of thought and attitudes in the Soviet Union is here presented, reflecting its foreign policy and its views on the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, the Bretton Woods Articles of Agreement, the legal status of the Polish Govemment-In-Exile, the treatment of Germany, the Chicago Civil Aviation Conference, the legal status of the Atlantic Charter and the situation in the Far East.


1995 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-258
Author(s):  
Andrea Graziosi

SummaryThis article sketches the background of the development of the “workerist myth” in the Soviet Union in the period 1924–1931. From 1924 onward workers were subjected to mounting pressure to increase productivity and tighten discipline, against the background of the great debate on how to transform the Soviet Union from an agrarian country into a country with a powerful industrial sector as rapidly as possible. Between 1928 and 1929 a vigorous antiworker campaign was launched in the Soviet Press, which in just a few months in the winter of 1929–1930 was transformed into a workerist campaign, glorifying the exemplary shock workers as “enthusiastic builders of socialism”. This myth was used on the domestic as well as on the external front, and meant the ascent to power of the Stalinist elite and the definitive breakthrough of a “national socialism”. It also marked the end of trade unionism as such.


2017 ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Sylwia Bykowska

This article focuses on the problem of Germans in Gdańsk shortly after the end of World War II. Among the issues analysed are: forced relocations of the German population by the Red Army; the so-called wild expulsion of Germans by the Polish authorities in 1945; the attitude of the Gdańsk administration towards the Germans; relations with Polish settlers from Central Poland and eastern territories incorporated into the Soviet Union. Mistrust, aversion and disputes were parallel to, sometimes, brutal competition for material goods, such as houses and workshops left by previous inhabitants. The Germans were underdogs in this conflict. They understood that they would no longer be responsible for their home city. They lost their position. Not having civil rights, they lost the right to their houses and farms. Gdańsk was an example of a former German city, whose new Polish community was created in the presence of its German inhabitants, who were subsequently deported to the territories on the other side of the Oder River. By this time, the coexistence of the Polish and German populations had evolved from hostility to cooperation between people devastated by war experience and forced migration. An official verification procedure was launched to determine who was a real German or Pole. One had to prove Polish descent and national usefulness in front of the Verification Commission. By the end of 1948, the number of native citizens of Gdańsk accepted as Polish citizens reached nearly 14,000. However, it was not possible to classify instantly all citizens of Gdańsk by their nationality. The memory of the pre-war Free City of Gdańsk was often more important for the collective identity of those who were born and lived in Gdańsk or Danzig before 1939. Both German and Polish citizens of Gdańsk were so strongly linked to their local homeland that they called themselves and were called by others ‘gdańszczanie’ or ‘Danziger’ for many years after the war.


1955 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam B. Ulam

NO analyst of Soviet Communism has failed to express surprise that a Marxist movement should have triumphed in a prevailingly agrarian society. Equally trite has been the observation that the Russian Marxists have not been able to solve the problem of the peasant and his full integration into their socialist system. Marx was a city boy, we are told, and that is why Nikita Khrushchev, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, has to spend his time discussing the failure of Soviet agriculture to keep up with the industrial sector of the economy. We are left with a truly confusing picture. Marxism, on its own premises designed as a movement for fully industrialized societies, comes to power or is a serious contender for power in societies that are mainly agrarian, while mature industrial countries adhere perversely to something (but something that is definitely non-Marxist) variously described as “the social welfare state,” “liberal capitalism,” and the like. Perhaps Marx was wrong and—for reasons unforeseen by him—his system is peculiarly suitable to what we now term “backward” countries, with predominantly agrarian economies and a low standard of living. Then why cannot Marxism solve its central problem of the agrarian economy? Or is it perhaps merely one form of Marxism—Soviet Communism—which is thus incapacitated? No wonder that scholars, first secretaries, and the rest of us tend to become confused.


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