Structure, Chronology, and Local Social Meaning of a Supra-Local Vowel Shift: Emergence of the Low-Back-Merger Shift in New England

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Monica Nesbitt ◽  
James N. Stanford

Abstract The Low-Back-Merger Shift (LBMS) is a major North American vowel chain shift spreading across many disparate dialect regions. In this field-based study, we examine the speech of fifty-nine White Western Massachusetts speakers, aged 18–89. Using diagnostics in Becker (2019) and Boberg (2019b), we find the LBMS emerging at the expense of the Northern Cities Shift (Labov, Yaeger, & Steiner, 1972) and traditional New England features (Boberg, 2001; Kurath, 1939; Nagy & Roberts, 2004). In Becker's LBMS model (2019:9), the low-back merger (lot-thought) triggers front-vowel shifts. Our results suggest that local social meaning can sometimes override this chronology such that the front-vowel shifts occur before the low-back merger, even as the overall configuration comes to match Becker's predictions. Sociosymbolic meaning associated with the older New England system has led to a different temporal ordering of LBMS components, thus providing new theoretical and empirical insights into the mechanisms by which supralocal patterns are adopted.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolando Coto-Solano ◽  
James N. Stanford ◽  
Sravana K. Reddy

In recent decades, computational approaches to sociophonetic vowel analysis have been steadily increasing, and sociolinguists now frequently use semi-automated systems for phonetic alignment and vowel formant extraction, including FAVE (Forced Alignment and Vowel Extraction, Rosenfelder et al., 2011; Evanini et al., Proceedings of Interspeech, 2009), Penn Aligner (Yuan and Liberman, J. Acoust. Soc. America, 2008, 123, 3878), and DARLA (Dartmouth Linguistic Automation), (Reddy and Stanford, DARLA Dartmouth Linguistic Automation: Online Tools for Linguistic Research, 2015a). Yet these systems still have a major bottleneck: manual transcription. For most modern sociolinguistic vowel alignment and formant extraction, researchers must first create manual transcriptions. This human step is painstaking, time-consuming, and resource intensive. If this manual step could be replaced with completely automated methods, sociolinguists could potentially tap into vast datasets that have previously been unexplored, including legacy recordings that are underutilized due to lack of transcriptions. Moreover, if sociolinguists could quickly and accurately extract phonetic information from the millions of hours of new audio content posted on the Internet every day, a virtual ocean of speech from newly created podcasts, videos, live-streams, and other audio content would now inform research. How close are the current technological tools to achieving such groundbreaking changes for sociolinguistics? Prior work (Reddy et al., Proceedings of the North American Association for Computational Linguistics 2015 Conference, 2015b, 71–75) showed that an HMM-based Automated Speech Recognition system, trained with CMU Sphinx (Lamere et al., 2003), was accurate enough for DARLA to uncover evidence of the US Southern Vowel Shift without any human transcription. Even so, because that automatic speech recognition (ASR) system relied on a small training set, it produced numerous transcription errors. Six years have passed since that study, and since that time numerous end-to-end automatic speech recognition (ASR) algorithms have shown considerable improvement in transcription quality. One example of such a system is the RNN/CTC-based DeepSpeech from Mozilla (Hannun et al., 2014). (RNN stands for recurrent neural networks, the learning mechanism for DeepSpeech. CTC stands for connectionist temporal classification, the mechanism to merge phones into words). The present paper combines DeepSpeech with DARLA to push the technological envelope and determine how well contemporary ASR systems can perform in completely automated vowel analyses with sociolinguistic goals. Specifically, we used these techniques on audio recordings from 352 North American English speakers in the International Dialects of English Archive (IDEA1), extracting 88,500 tokens of vowels in stressed position from spontaneous, free speech passages. With this large dataset we conducted acoustic sociophonetic analyses of the Southern Vowel Shift and the Northern Cities Chain Shift in the North American IDEA speakers. We compared the results using three different sources of transcriptions: 1) IDEA’s manual transcriptions as the baseline “ground truth”, 2) the ASR built on CMU Sphinx used by Reddy et al. (Proceedings of the North American Association for Computational Linguistics 2015 Conference, 2015b, 71–75), and 3) the latest publicly available Mozilla DeepSpeech system. We input these three different transcriptions to DARLA, which automatically aligned and extracted the vowel formants from the 352 IDEA speakers. Our quantitative results show that newer ASR systems like DeepSpeech show considerable promise for sociolinguistic applications like DARLA. We found that DeepSpeech’s automated transcriptions had significantly fewer character error rates than those from the prior Sphinx system (from 46 to 35%). When we performed the sociolinguistic analysis of the extracted vowel formants from DARLA, we found that the automated transcriptions from DeepSpeech matched the results from the ground truth for the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS): five vowels showed a shift in both transcriptions, and two vowels didn’t show a shift in either transcription. The Northern Cities Shift (NCS) was more difficult to detect, but ground truth and DeepSpeech matched for four vowels: One of the vowels showed a clear shift, and three showed no shift in either transcription. Our study therefore shows how technology has made progress toward greater automation in vowel sociophonetics, while also showing what remains to be done. Our statistical modeling provides a quantified view of both the abilities and the limitations of a completely “hands-free” analysis of vowel shifts in a large dataset. Naturally, when comparing a completely automated system against a semi-automated system involving human manual work, there will always be a tradeoff between accuracy on the one hand versus speed and replicability on the other hand [Kendall and Joseph, Towards best practices in sociophonetics (with Marianna DiPaolo), 2014]. The amount of “noise” that can be tolerated for a given study will depend on the particular research goals and researchers’ preferences. Nonetheless, our study shows that, for certain large-scale applications and research goals, a completely automated approach using publicly available ASR can produce meaningful sociolinguistic results across large datasets, and these results can be generated quickly, efficiently, and with full replicability.


2020 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-355
Author(s):  
Aaron J. Dinkin

In 2013, Dinkin reported an unexpectedly sharp dialect boundary in northern New York between the communities of Ogdensburg and Canton in St. Lawrence County: Ogdensburg exhibited the Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCS) and very little evidence of the low back merger, while Canton showed low back merger nearing completion and no NCS. This article investigates the nature of this dialect boundary via new sociolinguistic interview data from eight neighboring communities: four along the St. Lawrence River and four 25 miles south of it. An east-west division is observed in merger incidence: the four communities to the west, including Ogdensburg, show relatively robust lot-thought distinction, though apparent-time trends toward merger exist; east of Ogdensburg, the merger is much more advanced. A similar sharp boundary may hold for the NCS raising of trap (though the data are spottier due to the NCS’s obsolescence). The geographical sharpness of this boundary suggests that it is not due merely to socioeconomic differences between communities. It may be due to historical patterns of transportation: in the nineteenth century, Ogdensburg was the easternmost navigable point of the upper St. Lawrence River, meaning communities east of Ogdensburg were not directly accessible to the Great Lakes shipping network.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron J. Dinkin

AbstractThis paper examines the status of the low back caught-cot merger in Upstate New York. Most of this region is subject to the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) and therefore, according to Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006), ostensibly “resists” the spread of this merger. It is found that the phonology of this region is indeed trending toward the merger in apparent time, in terms of both phonetic distance between the two phonemes and speakers' explicit judgments. It is argued that the fronting of the cot vowel in the NCS region is not sufficient to withstand the spread of the merger because fronting a low vowel is a “reversible” sound change (Labov, 2010). It is further argued that the expansion of a merger to new communities may take place indirectly, through launching a sound change in the direction of merger rather than causing merger to take place immediately in the new community.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Monica Nesbitt

Recent acoustic analyses examining English in the North American great lakes region show that the area’s characteristic vowel chain shift, the Northern Cities Shift (NCS), is waning. Attitudinal analyses suggest that the NCS has lost prestige in some NCS cities, such that it is no longer regarded as ‘standard American English’. Socio-cultural and temporal accounts of capital loss and dialect decline remain unexplored, however. This paper examines F1, F2, and diphthongal quality of TRAP produced by 36 White speakers (18 women) in one NCS city—Lansing, Michigan—over the course of the 20th century. I show that TRAP realization is conditioned by gender and birth year, such that women led the change towards NCS realizations into the middle of the 20th century and then away from them thereafter. I discuss these findings against the backdrop of deindustrialization during this time of linguistic reorganization in Lansing. I show that as the regional industry—(auto) manufacturing—loses prestige, so does the regional variant—raised TRAP. This paper adds to our understanding of North American dialectology the importance of deindustrialization and the Baby Boomers to Generation Xer generational transition to our discussion of regional dialect maintenance.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron J. Dinkin

This paper examines the dialectology of eastern New York State. Data are considered from twelve cities and villages bridging the gap between the Inland North dialect region (home to the Northern Cities Shift [NCS]) and the Western New England region. Communities are classified as belonging to the Inland North “core,” the Inland North “fringe,” or a non–Inland North region. The settlement history of these communities is used to explain the boundaries between the dialect regions; presence of the NCS is found to correlate well with heavy migration from southwestern New England early in a community's history. Looking in detail at the different distributions of the individual sound changes involved in the NCS across the dialect regions established in this paper makes it possible to posit a reconstructed early history for the NCS and make hypotheses about the phonological character of the different sound changes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-398
Author(s):  
Anja Thiel ◽  
Aaron J. Dinkin

AbstractWe examine the loss of the Northern Cities Shift raising of trap in Ogdensburg, a small city in rural northern New York. Although data from 2008 showed robust trap-raising among young people in Ogdensburg, in data collected in 2016 no speakers clear the 700-Hz threshold for NCS participation in F1 of trap—a seemingly very rapid real-time change. We find apparent-time change in style-shifting: although older people raise trap more in wordlist reading than in spontaneous speech, younger people do the opposite. We infer that increasing negative evaluation of the feature led Ogdensburg speakers to collectively abandon raising trap between 2008 and 2016. This indicates a role for communal change in the transition of a dialect feature from an indicator to a marker.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002383092110530
Author(s):  
Dan Villarreal ◽  
Lynn Clark

A growing body of research in psycholinguistics, corpus linguistics, and sociolinguistics shows that we have a strong tendency to repeat linguistic material that we have recently produced, seen, or heard. The present paper investigates whether priming effects manifest in continuous phonetic variation the way it has been reported in phonological, morphological, and syntactic variation. We analyzed nearly 60,000 tokens of vowels involved in the New Zealand English short front vowel shift (SFVS), a change in progress in which trap/dress move in the opposite direction to kit, from a topic-controlled corpus of monologues (166 speakers), to test for effects that are characteristic of priming phenomena: repetition, decay, and lexical boost. Our analysis found evidence for all three effects. Tokens that were relatively high and front tended to be followed by tokens that were also high and front; the repetition effect weakened with greater time between the prime and target; and the repetition effect was stronger if the prime and target belonged to (different tokens of) the same word. Contrary to our expectations, however, the cross-vowel effects suggest that the repetition effect responded not to the direction of vowel changes within the SFVS, but rather the peripherality of the tokens. We also found an interaction between priming behavior and gender, with stronger repetition effects among men than women. While these findings both indicate that priming manifests in continuous phonetic variation and provide further evidence that priming is among the factors providing structure to intraspeaker variation, they also challenge unitary accounts of priming phenomena.


1979 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
R. Street ◽  
A. Lacroix

abstract Isoseismal map measurements and magnitudes of several recent central and northeastern North American earthquakes are related by multiple regression analysis in order that mbLg magnitudes can be estimated for those noninstrumentally-recorded New England events whose total felt area is known to be ≧10,000 km2 and which occurred after 1727. Magnitude estimates of the noninstrumentally-recorded events permit New England seismicity to be studied on a basis other than the heretofore conventional maximum epicentral intensity approach.


1885 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-301
Author(s):  
Wm. Marshall Venning

John Eliot, long known as ‘the apostle of the North-American Red Men,’ and other Englishmen early in the seventeenth century, laboured to preach the gospel of Jesus Christ to the heathen natives of New England in their own Indian language, and in doing so, found it necessary to carry on civilisation with religion, and to instruct them in some of the arts of life. Their writings, and more particularly some of the tracts known as the ‘Eliot Tracts,’ aroused so much interest in London that the needs of the Indians of New England were brought before Parliament, and on July 27, 1649, an Act or Ordinance was passed with this title :—‘A Corporation for the Promoting and Propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England.’


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