scholarly journals Gain Weight, Have Fun, Discover the Motherland: The German–Polish Children's Summer Camp Exchange and Interwar Era Revisionism

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Peter Polak-Springer

This article examines a previously un-researched aspect of nationalist politics, borderland contestation, national indifference and the politicisation of youth and cultural diplomacy in interwar Central Europe: the German–Polish ‘summer vacation exchange for children’ (Ferienkinderaustausch). The Versailles territorial settlement, which left nationalists in both countries in discontent about territories and minority groups remaining in the hands of the neighbour, formed the basis for this venture in cultural diplomacy. Each party gave the other the right to rally ‘its youth’ living on the other side of the border to travel to its ‘motherland’ for summer camp. Focusing on the case study of the heatedly contested industrial borderland of Upper Silesia, this article examines the German–Polish children's exchange on two levels. On the local level it examines how youth were rallied and transported to their ‘motherland’ for the summer and what treatment and experience they received. On the international level it explores the paradox of German–Polish cooperation and the conflict that was an inherent aspect of this venture.

1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Warbrick ◽  
Dominic McGoldrick ◽  
Geoff Gilbert

The Northern Ireland Peace Agreement1 was concluded following multi-party negotiations on Good Friday, 10 April 1998. It received 71 per cent approval in Northern Ireland and 95 per cent approval in the Republic of Ireland in the subsequent referenda held on Friday 22 May, the day after Ascension. To some, it must have seemed that the timing was singularly appropriate following 30 years of “The Troubles”, which were perceived as being between a “Catholic minority” and a “Protestant majority”. While there are some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation that do require rights relating only to their religion, such as the right to worship in community,2 to practise and profess their religion,3 to legal recognition as a church,4 to hold property5 and to determine its own membership,6 some minority groups identified by their religious affiliation are properly national or ethnic minorities–religion is merely one factor which distinguishes them from the other groups, including the majority, in the population. One example of the latter situation is to be seen in (Northern) Ireland where there is, in fact, untypically, a double minority: the Catholic-nationalist community is a minority in Northern Ireland, but the Protestant-unionist population is a minority in the island of Ireland as a whole.7 The territory of Northern Ireland is geographically separate from the rest of the United Kingdom. The recent peace agreement addresses a whole range of issues for Northern Ireland, but included are, on the one hand, rights for the populations based on their religious affiliation, their culture and their language and, on the other, rights with respect to their political participation up to the point of external self-determination. It is a holistic approach. Like any good minority rights agreement,8 it deals with both standards and their implementation and, like any good minority rights agreement, it is not a minority rights agreement but, rather, a peace settlement.


1977 ◽  
Vol 159 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Kenneth Peterson

American Indians have historically been denied the opportunity to participate in policy-making in schools. Now because of belated recognition of tribe's rights to self-determination and because of an awareness of past failures, Indian people can have a voice in their children's education. The original aim of institutionalized Indian education was to separate Indian children from their tribal past and encourage them to adopt the ways of white people. This was often done by sending children hundreds of miles away from their home and reservations to boarding schools. Termed assimilation, this policy has been judged a failure by educators, congressional committees, and Indians themselves. Today federal assistance programs require involvement by Indian parents and students both in reservation and urban schools. By exploiting these programs, Indian parents can change the type of education provided their children. A case study demonstrating possibilities of participation is the focus of this article. Unfortunately special federal spending programs can and do end. Hence, Indian parents, while participating at the local level, must advocate the development of new permanent law guaranteeing their children the right to a bi-cultural education.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-127
Author(s):  
Zekarias Beshah Abebe

The ethnic federalization of the post-1991 Ethiopia and the subsequent adoption of developmental state paradigm are the two most important pillars for the country’s political and economic restructuring. An interventionist developmental state model is opted for against the dominant narrative of the non-interventionist neo-liberal approach as the right path to conquer poverty: a source of national humiliation. On the other hand, ethnically federated Ethiopia is considered as an antidote to the historical pervasive mismanagement of the ethno-linguistic and cultural diversity of the polity. The presence of these seemingly paradoxical state models in Ethiopia makes it a captivating case study for analysis. Ethiopia’s experiment of pursuing a developmental state in a decentralized form of governance not only deviates from the prevalent pattern but also is perceived to be inherently incompatible due to the competing approaches that characterize the two systems. This article argues that the way in which the developmental state is being practiced in Ethiopia is eroding the values and the very purposes of ethnic federalism. Its centralized, elitist and authoritarian nature, which are the hallmark of the Ethiopian developmental state, defeats the positive strides that ethnic federalism aspires to achieve, thereby causing discontent and disenfranchisement among a swathe of the society. The article posits that the developmental state can and should be reinvented in a manner that goes in harmony with the ideals of ethnic federalism. The notion of process-based leadership remains one way of reinventing the Ethiopian developmental state model.  


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prosper Nobirabo Musafiri

The problem of the concept of the right to self-determination under international human rights is that it is vague and imprecise. It has, at the same time, generated controversy as it leaves space for multiple interpretations in relevant international legal instruments. This paper examines if indigenous people and minority groups are eligible to the right to self-determination. If so, what is the appropriate interpretation of such right, in light of indigenous/minority groups at national as well as the international level?


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
Libardo José Ariza ◽  
Manuel Iturralde

In this article, we discuss the incidence of narratives on war and death in molding penitentiary experience in Colombia. Based upon the case of la Modelo National Prison in Bogotá, we illustrate the way in which penitentiary discourses are transmitted and reproduced through two rites that initiate newcomers into the local world of confinement. The first, the tale of terror, told by veteran guards, of the cemetery filled with the bodies left by the war between rebel fighters and paramilitary soldiers. The other, the dense description of the bullet holes in the glass shield at the Main Guard Post, which leads to the main cellblocks, which give proof to the guards’ endurance when faced by the violent power struggle that rages inside the penitentiary. At the same time, we show how these discourses on the horror of the war inside the penitentiary make their way from within the confines of prison out into the free world through ex-convicts’ memoirs, press accounts, and judicial documents written by court officials who visit the prison. Drawing on this case study, we argue that to achieve a contextual interpretation of carceral violence, it is indispensable to trace, reconstruct, and comprehend the trajectory of its foundational discourses, thus allowing for the assembly of the pieces that give meaning to penitentiary experience at the local level.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-644
Author(s):  
Carys Brown

In eighteenth-century law and print, English Catholics were portrayed as entirely untrustworthy, and their exclusion from all aspects of English society encouraged. Yet, as many local studies have shown, there were numerous individual cases of relatively peaceful coexistence between Protestants and Catholics in this period. This article explores why this was the case by examining how Catholics overcame labels of untrustworthiness on a local level. Using the remarkable political influence of one high-status Catholic in the first half of the eighteenth century as a case study, it questions the utility of “pragmatism” as an explanation for instances of peaceful coexistence in this period. Instead it focuses on the role that deliberate Catholic resistance to legal disabilities played in allowing them to be considered as trustworthy individuals in their localities. The resulting picture of coexistence points towards a moderation of the historiographical emphasis on mutual compromise between confessions in favour of attention to the determined resilience of minority groups. In explaining this, this article makes the broader point that the influence of trust, long important in studies of early modern economic, political, and social relationships, is ripe for exploration in the context of interconfessional relations.


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-671 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Freeden

The issues raised by eugenics are of more than passing interest for the student of political thought. In itself a minor offshoot of turn-of-the-century socio-biological thought which never achieved ideological ‘take-off’ in terms of influence or circulation, there was certainly more in eugenics than nowadays meets the eye. The following pages propose to depart from the over-simplistic identification of eugenics, as political theory, with racism or ultra-conservatism and to offer instead two alternative modes of interpretation. On the one hand, eugenics will be portrayed as an exploratory avenue of the social-reformist tendencies of early-twentieth-century British political thought. On the other, it will serve as a case-study illustrating the complexity and overlapping which characterize most modern ideologies. While recognizing, of course, the appeal of eugenics for the ‘right’, a central question pervading the forthcoming analysis will be the attraction it had for progressives of liberal and socialist persuasions, with the ultimate aim of discovering the fundamental affinities the ‘left’ had, and may still have, with this type of thinking.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 190
Author(s):  
Novia Rianti

Space rights agreement is a part of lease agreement. Leasing is an agreement that gives a right called individual rights. It is because the right to lease arises from an agreement between one legal subject to another. Thus, this right can only be accountable to the opponent of the contract in accordance with the principle of privity of contrac. A lease agreement aims at providing the right only to use the property, and not to own it. Therefore, lease agreement only gives individual rights, not property rights. On the other hand, as we know, fiduciary provides object guarantees, which is included in constitutum possessorium (the object transferred remains within the control of the fiduciary giver). The air rights, the market stall, from the agreements of rights granting, are clearly included in individual rights, rather than property, which should not be imposed on fiduciary guarantees. This research is conducted by applying doctrinal research. It adapts statute approach, conceptual approach, and case study for its methodological problem approach. This study analyzes the market stall usage rights as an object from the perspective of security laws and Fiduciary on the usage rights upon a market stall by banks. The results of the research showed that by reviewing it further using air rights perspective, the air rights upon a market stall were included in lease rights. The right to use the stall is not property rights, but is an individual right. It is based on the law of lease rights. In addition, the debtor, as the tenant, only controls the leased objects to make use of it, not for the purpose of owning it. In that way, the lease itself does not result in property rights. However, if it is reviewed further based on the air rights, this can be categorized as an object with security laws, because the air rights fulfill the requirements as an object that can be guaranteed. It is because it has economic value and can be transferred, even though it is approved by another party. Since the air rights are individual right, it cannot be used as a guarantee for pawn, mortgage, and Fiduciary.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaitlyn Rabach

Prompted by a brief encounter over four years ago in Ifrane, Morocco, this article explores the contradictions involved in the industry of weaving and feminist tourism, a type of travel where tourists, mostly women from Central Europe and North America, visit weaving cooperatives in Latin America, North Africa, and Southeast Asia. Though searching for solidarity and connection, these tourists simultaneously retain enough separation from weavers that they continue to feel both entitled and obligated to ‘help’ the artisans through the power of their purchases. These tourists, then, push forth two narratives: one of commonality and the other of difference. This tension is not isolated within the weaving tourism industry, but is rather situated between a larger framework of uneven global processes and the commoditisation of women’s bodies and development. However, current literature surrounding tourism imaginaries emphasises narratives around difference, often failing to recognise commonality as a motivating factor for tourists to choose certain destinations and types of tours. This case study, using my own experiences on a weaving tour, as well as a discourse analysis of tourists’ pre-tour narratives and post-tour tales, deconstructs some of these contradictory accounts to better understand imaginaries around global solidarity, gender identity, and womanly obligations within touristic encounters.


Author(s):  
Mariana Marques ◽  
Eduardo Moraes Sarmento

This chapter introduces a practical application of the first Sustainable Development Goal, which is “Tourism Contribution to End Poverty.” It provides a recent literature review about the theme and presents the case study of Cape Verde. Cape Verde is an archipelago with enormous tourist potential, but, on the other hand, it is a country that must deal with the poverty problem. So, it is a destination that needs to work on its sustainability, mainly to provide residents with better living conditions. It is urgent to study the main poverty challenges in Cape Verde in order to provide the right strategies. It is essential, also, to understand if tourism can help fighting local poverty. To achieve some conclusions, authors have done interviews with some local institutions as well as to several stakeholders to understand better the main issues concerning tourism challenges and its potential to deal with poverty in Cape Verde.


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