Response to “Predicting and Dissecting the Seat-Votes Curve in the 2006 U.S. House Election”

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (03) ◽  
pp. 473-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore S. Arrington
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
Minority Party ◽  
House Election ◽  
To Receive

The article on the seats-votes curve by Kastellec, Gelman, and Chandler (January 2008, 139–45) presents interesting and helpful analysis and data. Especially important is the insight that incumbency necessarily requires a minority party to receive more than 50% of the vote to gain control of the House of Representatives. However the article is misleading in two respects.

Who are President Trump’s Allies in the House of Representatives?

The Forum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Clarke ◽  
Jeffery A. Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Preliminary Analysis ◽  
Winning Coalition ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Comparable Group ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Study Committee ◽  
The Us ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
To Receive

AbstractWe conduct a preliminary analysis of the first 200 days of the Donald Trump presidency, to determine who his principal allies in the US House have been. We build our analysis around three groups of Republicans, based on caucus affiliations: members of the Republican Main Street Partnership (RMSP), the Republican Study Committee (RSC), and the House Freedom Caucus (HFC). We find that House Republicans, regardless off caucus membership, broadly support President Trump and largely shared in the his electoral success. Yet, we also uncover suggestive evidence that the HFC is maneuvering into a position of influence with President Trump. Freedom Caucus members are more closely tied to his electoral performance than members of other conservative groups, and they appear to receive more time with the President relative to a comparable group of House Republicans. While these results are interesting, they are also initial and more time is needed to assess how President Trump builds a winning coalition with Republican House members.

scholarly journals RESPONSIBILITY OF PUBLIC HEALTH SERVICE BASED ON THE CONSTITUTION OF INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Ardiansah Ardiansah
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Health Insurance ◽  
Health Services ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Health Services ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
To Receive

The Indonesian Constitution has mandated health services for its people. Everyone has the right to receive health services, while the state is obliged to provide health services. The implementation of public health services faces problems concerning the president regulations about the increase of health insurance fee. The House of Representatives does not agree with the increase in health insurance fee, because the government should be responsible for the realization of public health services. This research uses normative legal research methods. The results showed that the government's policy of raising fees was considered unfair and burdensome to the people of Indonesia.Health services for the people of Indonesia has been mandated by The Indonesian Constitution. The denial of health services is a violation to the Indonesian constitution. The people have the right to get health services, whereas the state is responsible for providing health services. Therefore, even though the government raises fees, people expect the government to cancel the increase of the fee. Due to the fact that the Indonesian constitution has made it clear that the state is responsible for providing health services to its people.

Contingent Elections

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-100
Author(s):  
George C. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
Political System ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
System P ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
To Receive

This chapter focuses on contingent elections. If the presidential and vice presidential candidates fail to receive a simple majority of electoral college votes, the Twelfth Amendment provides that the House of Representatives chooses the president and the Senate chooses the vice president in a process known as “contingent” election (contingent upon the absence of a majority in the electoral college). There have been two contingent elections for president in U.S. history, following the elections of 1800 and 1824. Very minor shifts of popular votes in the nation, however, would have sent a number of other elections to the Congress for a decision. In the House, where each state must vote as a unit, a majority of 26 or more votes is required to elect a president; in the Senate, a majority of 51 or more votes is required to elect a vice president. Although a superficial reading of these rules suggests the operation of majority rule, the chapter maintains that this process actually represents the most egregious violation of democratic principles in the American political system.

Political Scientists and Journalists Watch Congress

1987 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Norman J. Ornstein
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
First Year ◽  
Public Television ◽  
Second Sound ◽  
Commercial Networks ◽  
The Media ◽  
Television Coverage ◽  
To Receive

When the House of Representatives began to allow television cameras in to cover its floor proceedings in early 1979, it was not widely noticed in the country or the academic community. As C-SPAN's Susan Swain notes, the initial cable coverage was from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. weekdays, with only three-and-one- half million homes wired to receive the service. It was rare in the first year or two of television coverage for other television outlets, especially the commercial networks, to use any of the floor footage extensively either.But within a couple of years, the television coverage of the House began to penetrate the media and the country more widely. C-SPAN, under Brian Lamb's astute tutelage expanded dramatically; network evening and weekend news shows, growing comfortable at monitoring the floor debate, began to use both ten-second “sound bites” and more extended excerpts on their shows; public television, through the Mac-Neil/Lehrer NewsHour and The Lawmakers, made the televised floor proceedings staples of their news coverage.

The Minority Party and Policy-Making in the House of Representatives

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 481-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles O. Jones
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Minority Party ◽  
Distinctive Group ◽  
The Government ◽  
Sizeable Number

Considerable attention has recently been focused on political oppositions in democracies. A recent book examines oppositions in various western countries and a journal called Government and Opposition was founded in 1965. The significance of the role of an opposition in democracies does not have to be stressed. It is generally accepted.What of the role of the opposition in the United States? Robert A. Dahl notes that one must use the plural when speaking of opposition in this country since, “a distinctive, persistent, unified structural opposition scarcely exists in the United States … it is nearly always impossible to refer precisely to “the” opposition, for the coalition that opposes the government on one matter may fall apart, or even govern, on another.”While it is true that “the” opposition is not institutionalized as a definite cohesive, persistent, distinctive group in American politics, it is also true that there has usually been an identifiable minority party in Congress. Though it does not always oppose the majority, and cannot be expected to be synonymous with “the” opposition very often, it does persist. Despite handsome invitations to disband—in the form of successive defeats at the polls—a sizeable number of congressmen, senators, and congressional candidates continue to call themselves Republicans and to organize as such in Congress.

Design of Low Power Underwater Acoustic Receiving Circuit with Digital Gain Control

2013 ◽  
Vol 718-720 ◽  
pp. 1416-1421
Author(s):  
Ya Fei Tang ◽  
Jian Ping Xiong
Keyword(s):  
Low Power ◽  
High Precision ◽  
Dynamic Range ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
Low Noise ◽  
Large Dynamic Range ◽  
Underwater Acoustic ◽  
Underwater Acoustic Signal ◽  
To Receive

We propose a design of low power underwater acoustic receiving circuit by inverted echo sounder (IES) for observing the internal waves of the ocean in a long term. To receive the echo of the underwater targets, the underwater acoustic signal processor is required to be insensitive to strong noise and work in large dynamic range. In this work, with the variant application environments, to reduce the load of the subsequent processing modules, the circuit with digital gain control is employed to amplify the weak signals. Then, the out-of-band noise and higher harmonic are filtered out. The output is finally obtained by the 24-bit high-precision A/D sampling. Experiments demonstrate that the proposed design of the circuit performs with low power consumption, low noise, large dynamic range, flexible frequency selectivity, high precision and anti-inference.

The Bureau of Publicity of the Democratic National Committee, 1930–32

1933 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-65
Author(s):  
Thomas S. Barclay
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Minority Party ◽  
Hoover Administration ◽  
National Convention ◽  
Limited Degree ◽  
First Session

An earlier note in the Review indicated the desirability of minority party activity in the interval between campaigns and appraised the organization and functioning of the publicity bureau of the Democratic national committee from June 1, 1929, until September 1,1930. During the period from September, 1930, to the convening of the Democratic national convention on June 27, 1932, the bureau continued, as a party agency, to criticise the policies of the Hoover administration and to assume, in a limited degree, the educational function of the minority party. In addition, it was necessary during the first session of the Seventy-second Congress to explain and justify the work of the Democratic House of Representatives.

scholarly journals Veto Threat Bargaining with a Bicameral Congress

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292092591
Author(s):  
Scott M. Guenther ◽  
Samuel Kernell
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Cheap Talk ◽  
Past Research ◽  
Model Driven ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
Minority Party

According to the conventional view, presidents are largely bereft of influence with an opposition-controlled Congress. Congress sends them legislation with a “take it or leave it” choice that maximizes the preferences of the opposition majority while minimizing presidents’ preferences. To extricate themselves from this bind, presidents threaten vetoes. Past research suggests that their efforts largely fail, however, for two model-driven reasons: first, veto threats amount to minimally informative “cheap talk,” and second, Congress is a unitary actor with firm control over its agenda. We relax both assumptions, bringing veto rhetoric into a setting more closely resembling real-world conditions. Presidents transmit credible veto threats to a heterogeneous, bicameral Congress where chamber rules enable the minority party to wield some influence over legislation. Examining the legislative histories of all veto-threatened bills passed between 1985 and 2016, we confirm that veto threats ward off about half of veto-targeted legislative provisions—a far greater share than for comparable unthreatened provisions. The House of Representatives is more likely to introduce and pass legislation objectionable to presidents and the Senate is more likely to accommodate presidents, findings consistent with the textbook description of the modern bicameral Congress.

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