The Historical Context of Voter Photo-ID Laws

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 93-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandler Davidson

The issue before the U.S. Supreme Court in theCrawfordcase (Crawford v. Marion County Election Bd. 2008) was whether a law (Indiana Senate Enrolled Act No. 483) passed by the Indiana legislature requiring most voters to show a photo ID in order to cast a ballot violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments. Plaintiffs argued that it works an unfair hardship on many people who do not have the government-issued documents that count as a legitimate ID (Indiana Democratic Party et al., 12–16). They argued that the law, in effect, constitutes a poll tax, inasmuch as there are costs to obtain the right kind of photo ID, costs that unduly burden many eligible citizens wanting to exercise their right to vote.

2018 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 76-77
Author(s):  
Julie Underwood

The right to an education is guaranteed by international law in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Similarly, UNESCO’s Constitution sets out the right to an education as necessary to “prepare the children of the world for the responsibilities of freedom.” No such right is mentioned in the U.S. Constitution, though. Perhaps Congress or the Supreme Court would be sympathetic, however, to an argument for educational rights based on the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of the rights of citizenship.


Author(s):  
Anushka Singh

Liberal democracies claim to give constitutional and legal protection of varying degrees to the right to free speech of which political speech and the right to dissent are extensions. Within the right to freedom of expression, however, some category of speeches do not enjoy protection as they are believed to be ‘injurious’ to society. One such unprotected form of political speech is sedition which is criminalized for the repercussions it may have on the authority of the government and the state. The cases registered in India in recent months under the law against sedition show that the law in its wide and diverse deployment was used against agitators in a community-based pro-reservation movement, a group of university students for their alleged ‘anti-national’ statements, anti-liquor activists, to name a few. Set against its contemporary use, this book has used sedition as a lens to probe the fate of political speech in liberal democracies. The work is done in a comparative framework keeping the Indian experience as its focus, bringing in inferences from England, USA, and Australia to intervene and contribute to the debates on the concept of sedition within liberal democracies at large. On the basis of an analytical enquiry into the judicial discourse around sedition, the text of the sedition laws, their political uses, their quotidian existence, and their entanglement with the counter-terror legislations, the book theorizes upon the life of the law within liberal democracies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (IV) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Dr. Ram Charan Meena,

Persons with disabilities have the right to enjoy the human rights to life, liberty, equality, security and dignity as human beings. However, due to social apathy, psychological barriers, a limited definition of “disability” entitled to the protection of the law and lack of proper data, persons with disabilities in India remain an invisible category. Although many laws set out to ensure their full and effective participation in society, they remain inadequate as they are based primarily on the discretion of the government. Also, the judiciary acts as the real protector of persons with disabilities whenever an opportunity arises, but it is not possible to approach the judiciary for every request. Unless the foundation of the law is strengthened, persons with disabilities cannot fully exercise their rights. The present research paper mentions the contemporary situation of people with disabilities with the current laws and concepts, and also the researcher believes that it is not only the law that will provide a solution to this problem, it is the change in the outlook of the society which may provide a solution to this problem. Thus, the horizons of the law should be expanded to provide a “human friendly environment” for all persons with disabilities to remove the barriers that impede their development. With timely implementation the time has come for effective legislation to protect their interests and empower their capabilities which are based on “rights–based approach” rather than charity, medical or social approach.


Rechtsidee ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hariansi Panimba Sampebulu

The position of women in legal construction in Indonesia today is still difficult to adjust to the circumstances that occur, especially in terms of equality issues. The abortion that has been a problem for so long time, being discussed because of the rules that are considered not in accordance with the existing rules, and the amount of pressure from various things. Law and Women are always placed in objects that are not neutral, especially in terms of discussing reproductive health. The government and legislation feel that they have a stake in integrating reproductive health owned by women. It is the position of women in the law that gives rise to many struggle movements and the diffusion of feminism in Indonesia. The rules of Article 31 paragraph 1 and 2 of Government Regulation Number 61 of 2014 which regulate safe abortion need to be more attention and safeguarded, so that a woman has the right to be based on herself. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 399
Author(s):  
Akmal Adicahya

Access to justice is everyone rights that have to be fulfilled by the government. The regulation number 16 year 2011 of legal aid is an instrument held by the government to guarantee the right. The regulation allowed the participation of non-advocates to provide the legal aid. Through this policy, government emphasizes that:1) Indonesia is a state law which legal aid is an obliged instrument; 2) the prohibition of non-advocate to participate in legal aid is not relevant due to inadequate amount of advocate and citizen seek for justice (justiciabelen), and the advocate is not widely extended throughout Indonesia; 3) Non-Advocates, especially lecturer and law student are widely spread; 4) there are no procedural law which prohibits non-advocate to provide a legal aid. Those conditions are enough argument for government to strengthen the participation of non-advocates in providing legal aid. Especially for The Supreme Court to revise The Book II of Guidance for Implementing Court’s Job and Administration.Keywords: legal aid, non-advocate, justice


Author(s):  
Zhou Heng

Deputies to people’s congresses enjoy the right to elect the personnel of a state organ, members of the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress at the same level and deputies to the People’s Congress at a higher level in accordance with the provisions of the law. Based on the official nature of the right to vote, deputies to NPC can not transfer their right to vote and sell votes. As selling ballots is an illegal exercise of their official duty, they should assume for corresponding criminal responsibility for the crime of undermining election and bribery provided in the Criminal Law of China. Moreover, delegates to NPC who have the status of public officials shall be included in the supervision , and strengthen the responsibility inquiry.


2021 ◽  
pp. 483-520
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

Alamán’s internal self-exile in Mexico City, when he hid for nearly two years only to emerge in 1834, is discussed in as much detail as is possible for a largely undocumented episode. Having left the government along with the other ministers during 1832, he was being pursued by agents of the state and political enemies to stand trial before a congressional grand jury for his involvement in the judicial murder of Vicente Guerrero. The chapter also discusses his cordial relationship with the U.S. envoy who replaced the recalled Joel Poinsett, Anthony Butler. The fall of the Anastasio Bustamante government to an uprising led by Santa Anna is narrated, along with Alamán’s eventual trial, his spirited defense of himself, the intervention of Carlos María de Bustamante (not the president) on his behalf before the Supreme Court, and the ex-minister’s exoneration at the hands of President Santa Anna.


Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer

This chapter assesses Article V of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the legislative department. Section 1 states that “the Legislative authority of the State shall be vested in a Legislature, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” However, “the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution and to enact or reject the same at the polls independent of the Legislature, and also reserve power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act of the Legislature.” Section 2 provides for the designation and definition of reserved powers. Initiative means the power of the people to propose bills, and to enact or reject them at the polls. Referendum is the right of the people to have bills passed by the legislature submitted to the voters for their approval. Meanwhile, in May 1964, the Oklahoma constitution was amended to conform to the U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The amendment passed and Sections 9 through 16 were replaced with Sections 9A through 11E. The chapter then details the provisions for the Senate and the House of Representatives.


2017 ◽  
pp. 221-247
Author(s):  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Kaushiki Sanyal

This chapter narrates the saga of the Right to Food Security. Briefly pointing out various prior food movements, the chapter dates the movement to 2001 in Rajasthan with a writ petition at the Supreme Court. The SC took up the issue with surprising enthusiasm issuing order after order to force the government to comply with reports and action. The government, while not antagonistic, was apathetic. Encouraged by the court orders the activists gathered under a single banner of Right to Food Campaign in 2004 and built on the campaign in court as well as on the ground. Political support finally came when the issue entered UPA’s election manifesto in 2009. Post UPA victory, the NAC submitted its draft bill in 2010 but a substantially altered bill finally got enacted in 2013. The movement reflects a combination of Punctuated Equilibrium Framework and Advocacy Coalition Framework.


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