scholarly journals Primary Distrust: Political Distrust and Support for the Insurgent Candidacies of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in the 2016 Primary

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (02) ◽  
pp. 351-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua J. Dyck ◽  
Shanna Pearson-Merkowitz ◽  
Michael Coates

ABSTRACTDonald Trump dominated the 2016 Republican primary despite the fact that he was not, in any meaningful sense, a Republican. Bernie Sanders came just shy of winning the Democratic nomination despite the fact that he switched his party affiliation from Independent to Democrat only three months before the election. Why did two candidates with no formal ties to the political parties fare so well? One possibility is that primary voters are more ideologically extreme and that ideology drives support for these candidates. However, another possibility is that concerns about government process drives support for insurgent candidates. We test the proposition that distrust was the primary motivator of primary voting for these two insurgent candidates using two datasets: a poll of New Hampshire voters fielded a week before their primary and a national poll taken in June 2016. Results confirm the hypothesis that distrust drove intraparty vote choice in the 2016 presidential primaries.

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (6) ◽  
pp. 600-610
Author(s):  
Joan L. Conners

This analysis of political cartoon coverage of the 2016 presidential primaries found considerable attention given to the political parties themselves, as well as issues, and controversies the parties were facing. In political cartoons, the Republican and Democratic parties were usually reflected in animal representations of the elephant and donkey. A qualitative textual analysis of cartoon images from U.S. newspapers found a number of themes emerged in 2016 with regard to the party animals: Both parties were portrayed expressing reluctance or hesitancy in their party’s nominee, the Republican Party in particular was represented as helpless to stop the political success that Donald Trump saw in the primaries, and the Democratic Party was portrayed as divided between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. These themes found in political cartoon images suggest how the two dominant political parties operate in electoral politics today.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes M. Kiess ◽  
Hans-Jörg Trenz

The strength of solidarity ties among individuals is often discussed in relation to membership within a community of equals. This assumes strong links between reported solidarity actions, political attitudes, and national identity. We ask, first, whether differences in solidarity engagement can be explained by party affiliation: Do adherents of political parties driven by right-identitarian politics and adherents of parties driven by left-redistributive politics differ considerably in terms of reported solidarity action? Second, we investigate whether such differences can be explained by the nationality of the supported groups, and third, we explore whether there is a salience of reported solidarity action and party affiliation across European countries. We examine these questions by looking at cleavages in reported solidarity action in support of three different target groups: unemployed, disabled persons, and refugees. Our findings indicate first of all that partisan affiliation matters: cleavages in solidarity behavior follow traditional ideological patterns. Second, and contrary to the exclusive-communitarian rhetoric that is found in party programs and statements of right-wing populist parties, their adherents are among those supporting both nationals and foreigners least, while adherents of left and radical left parties engage in support toward nationals and non-nationals. Third, from a comparative European perspective, we observe similar patterns of a divide between an inclusive, solidary, and cosmopolitan left and a non-solidary right with low interests in community commitment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (03) ◽  
pp. 523-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Setzler ◽  
Alixandra B. Yanus

ABSTRACTPopular accounts of the 2016 presidential election attribute Donald Trump’s victory to the mobilization of angry white men seeking to restore traditional values and social roles. Whereas a majority of Trump voters were male, more than 40% of women who went to the polls on Election Day also supported him. This analysis explores the motivations of these women, asking how partisanship, demographics, and beliefs motivated their vote choice. We found that, although party affiliation was an important predictor of both women’s and men’s vote choice, sexism and racial resentment had a greater influence on voters of both genders. Moreover, the influence of these biases was similar for women and men.


Author(s):  
Timothy W. Fallis

Within the field of political communication, the study of political advertising has attempted to relate its content to posited effects. Most of this inquiry has been conducted using one or some combination of three methods: survey, experiment, and content analysis. As a result, a picture of what political advertising does and why and how it does it has emerged. This chapter synthesizes findings by suggesting that differences in spending on political advertising can affect vote choice; that advertising’s effect on vote choice are mediated by factors that include party affiliation, political knowledge and involvement, and media exposure; and that such advertising has a significant effect on the political process. “Negative” advertising is a messaging structure that affects the political process for ill and for good; it can both decrease and increase voter turnout but is misunderstood when conflated with informative “attack” and “contrast” advertising.


The Forum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron C. Weinschenk ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes

Abstract We examine the role of moral foundations and system justification in explaining support for Donald Trump in the 2016 general election using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. A number of important findings emerge. First, we find that there are important partisan and ideological differences when it comes to moral foundations and system justification. Second, we find that moral foundations predict support for Trump above and beyond traditional determinants of vote choice such as ideology, partisanship, religiosity, and demographic characteristics. Third, we find that a measure of political system justification is not related to vote choice in our sample. This casts doubt on the idea that support for Trump was mostly about protesting the political system. This paper adds to the growing body of research showing that psychological concepts and theories are important in understanding voter decision-making in the 2016 presidential election and in elections more generally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
Shahid Ullah ◽  
Asghar Ullah Khan ◽  
Muhammad Imran Khan

This research study explores the relationship between political agenda of the political leaders and parties in Pakistan and public agenda of the residents of Dera Ismail Khan District during election 2018. This study is important and helpful in understanding political landscape in Pakistan and role of political rhetoric in shaping that landscape. This study helped in understanding how voters decided to participate in elections and what are vital for audience during elections campaign. Researcher has drawn 400 samples from target population while using convenient sampling techniques for data collections. The study adopted cross sectional survey research design with closed-ended questionnaire for measuring public agenda and perception while coding sheet was used for measuring political rhetoric of leaders of diverse political parties. Study findings indicate that there is significant difference between political parties about different hot issues in Pakistan. The study results show that there was no significantly influence of the party affiliation on audiences’ political behavior.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Angeline Lavin ◽  
David Moen ◽  
Thomas Davies

Individuals who are affiliated with different political parties and who subscribe to different ideological philosophies also tend to have different views on many issues. This paper explores taxpayer perceptions of the federal individual income tax, which can be traced back to 1913 in its present form, based upon their political party affiliation as well as their ideological philosophy. The analysis revealed that the responses to the federal individual income tax statements included in this survey were not independent of political party or ideological philosophy. These results suggest that the political and ideological makeup of Congress and the President are likely to have an impact on future decisions with respect to possible modifications to the federal individual income tax. The question remains whether these differences may be set aside in a consolidated effort to find long range solutions to our countrys fiscal challenges.


Significance The Democrats are seeking to revive their party’s fortunes in legislative and electoral battles from the nadir following the political upsets of 2016. As the party seeks to orientate itself towards the administration of President Donald Trump at the federal level, its congressional leaders must balance the centrist considerations of legislative strategy under Republican rule with the expectations of frustrated progressive voters and activists in the party base. The Democrats also face electoral tests in the 2018 midterms and -- more importantly -- when Trump seeks re-election in 2020. Impacts House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi is likely to face a post-midterms leadership challenge. More extreme Republican primary challengers backed by Steve Bannon could cost the Republicans otherwise winnable Senate seats. A sizeable contingent of Democratic senators are likely to vote with the 2020 presidential primaries in mind. A conservative Supreme Court ruling allowing partisan gerrymandering in key states will hinder Democratic House gains. Democratic weakness at the state level will have negative electoral and policymaking consequences at federal level.


Author(s):  
Karina Kosiara-Pedersen ◽  
Susan E. Scarrow ◽  
Emilie van Haute

This chapter investigates whether variations in party affiliation rules have political consequences, looking in particular at their effects on partisan participation. The research presented here combines data from the Political Party Database (PPDB) with surveys of party members and party supporters, looking for evidence of whether potential affiliates’ behaviour is sensitive to the relative costs of party membership. The data suggest that such sensitivity exists, with supporters being more likely to join parties which offer more benefits, and which offer membership at a lower price. They are also less likely to acquire traditional membership if cheaper affiliation options exist. Conversely, when membership is relatively costly, those who do join are more likely to use their membership by being active in the party. Our findings provide some support for demand-side views of party membership, according to which political parties are able to use membership rules to affect who joins a party.


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