Incorporating Multicultural Counselling and Gender Issues into Rehabilitation Counsellor Education

1996 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin G. Brodwin ◽  
Joseph E. Havranek

In today’s rapidly changing society, counsellors need to have knowledge and skills to work effectively with a diverse consumer population. A review of rehabilitation counsellor education programs in the United States applying for CORE (Council on Rehabilitation Education) re-accreditation between 1991–1994 revealed that two-thirds of the programs had content deficits in multicultural and gender issues. Australia and other countries besides the United States have experienced increases in the number of cultural minorities entering the workforce. The role of women in the modern workforce also has undergone significant change. These issues need to be considered by rehabilitation counsellors in all countries. The importance of infusing these content areas in graduate training is addressed. The authors offer suggestions for infusion of cultural and gender issues into rehabilitation counselling curricula.

Author(s):  
Kathaleen Boche

This chapter examines dance and gender issues in western musical films in the United States during the Cold War. It explains that most musical films during this period focused on iconic figures of American identity, especially the cowboy and the frontiersman. The chapter utilizes Victor Turner’s theory of social drama to illuminate the ways that musicals functioned within the context of the Cold War. It reviews some of the most popular works, includingAnnie Get Your Gun, Calamity Jane, andSeven Brides for Seven Brothers.This chapter suggests that western musical films reinforced the dominant patriarchal social values regarding gender and family and that the expression of improvisational ingenuity reinforced the gender dichotomy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Art Blake

In Paris in 1975 Eldridge Cleaver, exiled revolutionary African American activist, former Minister of Information for the Black Panther Party, appeared in photographs and newspaper articles wearing, and discussing, pants he had designed. The major innovation in Cleaver’s pants was a redesigned crotch: instead of the usual button and zip front opening, his pants featured a soft panel with a protuberant fabric appendage into which Cleaver intended the wearer’s penis to fit. Why did Cleaver channel his intelligence and creativity into menswear at that moment? How did Cleaver’s penis-positive pants design resonate in 1975 with black politics and gender politics? And why am I, a queer transgendered man, writing about these pants? Through this article I hope to contribute to a discussion in fashion studies about the materiality of bodies and the role of self-fashioning, particularly for those living in resistance to dominant codes of gender and race. I situate and analyze Cleaver’s pants in a broad context of the postwar politics of dressing and redressing race and gender in the United States, with references to a longer American history, as well as to a global context of clothing in a postcolonial era. The pants, in both their design and in the act of being worn, materialize acts of raced and gendered insurrection, but in a web of historical power relations that privilege whiteness and cisgender masculinity.


Author(s):  
Michael E. Donoghue

The United States’ construction and operation of the Panama Canal began as an idea and developed into a reality after prolonged diplomatic machinations to acquire the rights to build the waterway. Once the canal was excavated, a century-long struggle ensued to hold it in the face of Panamanian nationalism. Washington used considerable negotiation and finally gunboat diplomacy to achieve its acquisition of the Canal. The construction of the channel proved a titanic effort with large regional, global, and cultural ramifications. The importance of the Canal as a geostrategic and economic asset was magnified during the two world wars. But rising Panamanian frustration over the U.S. creation of a state-within-a-state via the Canal Zone, one with a discriminatory racial structure, fomented a local movement to wrest control of the Canal from the Americans. The explosion of the 1964 anti-American uprising drove this process forward toward the 1977 Carter-Torrijos treaties that established a blueprint for eventual U.S. retreat and transfer of the channel to Panama at the century’s end. But before that historic handover, the Noriega crisis and the 1989 U.S. invasion nearly upended the projected transition of U.S. retreat from the management and control of the Canal. Early historians emphasized high politics, economics, and military considerations in the U.S. acquisition of the Canal. They concentrated on high-status actors, economic indices, and major political contingencies in establishing the U.S. colonial order on the isthmus. Panamanian scholars brought a legalistic and nationalist critique, stressing that Washington did not create Panama and that local voices in the historical debate have largely been ignored in the grand narrative of the Canal as a great act of progressive civilization. More recent U.S. scholarship has focused on American imperialism in Panama, on the role of race, culture, labor, and gender as major factors that shaped the U.S. presence, the structure of the Canal Zone, as well as Panamanian resistance to its occupation. The role of historical memory, of globalization, representation, and how the Canal fits into notions of U.S. empire have also figured more prominently in recent scholarly examination of this relationship. Contemporary research on the Panama Canal has been supported by numerous archives in the United States and Panama, as well as a variety of newspapers, magazines, novels, and films.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311771239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin A. Cech

Opposition to social justice efforts plays a key role in reproducing social inequalities in the United States. Focusing on supporters of Donald Trump as a possible exemplar of politically structured resistance to these efforts, the author asks whether and why Trump supporters are more likely than other Americans to oppose social justice efforts. Analysis of a proportionally representative, postelection survey ( n = 1,151) reveals that Trump supporters are indeed more opposed to social justice efforts. They also express greater overt race, class, and gender bias, yet this bias does not explain their opposition. Rather, many Trump supporters are “rugged meritocratists” who oppose these efforts because they believe U.S. society is already fair. To expand support for social justice efforts, rugged meritocratists must first be convinced that systemic inequalities still exist.


Author(s):  
Lisa Sechrest-Ehrhardt

Race, ethnicity, and gender issues have always been important matters in American politics. However, during the past two presidential elections these issues were the vanguard topics displayed on centerstage. The United Sates has a tainted history with respects to certain populations which it has discriminated against and marginalized throughout the country's history, and the tensions surrounding these issues erupted like a volcano. The United States became polarized as people began to align with different political and social ideologies depicting how those who are regarded as being different, “others”, should be treated. This chapter provides a brief history of marginalized populations in the United States and uses Critical Race Theory and self-awareness as means to help the reader understand the impact on society when racism and inequality are woven into the fabric of the country.


1998 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Kitch

Throughout 1897, the mass-circulation Ladies' Home Journal ran six full-page illustrations drawn by nationally known artist Alice Barber Stephens and collectively titled “The American Woman.” The series was among the first visual commentary on gender in a truly national mass medium. Its imagery framed larger debates about not only the proper place (literal and figurative) of American women, but also the economic and social aspirations of the “rising classes” in the United States. A rhetorical analysis of the series and its editorial context reveals the extent to which class and gender issues intersected in this era - and underscores the central role of mass media in public discussion of these emerging concerns.


Antiquity ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 74 (283) ◽  
pp. 203-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent R. Weisman ◽  
Nancy Marie White

As cultural resource management (CRM) in the United States struggles through another period of introspection, one need for improvement consistently identified is in the area of graduate training of future practitioners of CRM archaeology (Fagan 1996; Green & Doershuk 1998; Schuldenrein 1998; Messenger et al. 1999). To what extent training in the practicalities of the field needs to be embodied in curricular coursework, the relative role of research versus applied emphases in the graduate programme, the most appropriate terminal degree for CRM practice, and the very specifics of what constitutes adequate preparation for the diverse and dynamic challenges that constitute contemporary archaeology in the United States, all provide points for the emerging discussion between professionals operating in the field and those in academia who design programmes (e.g. Society for American Archaeology 1995).


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

This chapter asks whether and how connections between American civil rights movements and socialist revolutions outside the United States shaped feminisms of women of color. Scholars have noted the domestic challenges women of color faced when they tried to fight for both race and gender issues—they were often expected to choose and were labeled "sell outs" if they worked in white women's groups. Vietnamese women, who fought for both their nation's sovereignty and women's rights, provided an important example to women of color—one they could use as an inspiration and as evidence of the inseparability of race and gender. Through the example of Vietnamese women, women of color rejected the false dichotomy of fighting for race or gender and insisted on struggling against all forms of oppression.


Author(s):  
Lisa Sechrest-Ehrhardt

Race, ethnicity, and gender issues have always been important matters in American politics. However, during the past two presidential elections these issues were the vanguard topics displayed on centerstage. The United Sates has a tainted history with respects to certain populations which it has discriminated against and marginalized throughout the country's history, and the tensions surrounding these issues erupted like a volcano. The United States became polarized as people began to align with different political and social ideologies depicting how those who are regarded as being different, “others”, should be treated. This chapter provides a brief history of marginalized populations in the United States and uses Critical Race Theory and self-awareness as means to help the reader understand the impact on society when racism and inequality are woven into the fabric of the country.


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