Which Level of Government Do the ASEAN People Think that Environmental Issues Should Be Decided By? An Analysis of the ASEAN-Barometer Survey of 2009

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230
Author(s):  
SEIJI FUJII

AbstractThis paper explores preferences and attitudes related to fiscal federalism held by the ASEAN people in the context of environmental issues. Fiscal federalism would predict that local environmental problems will be handled more efficiently by local governments, while national environmental problems will be solved more efficiently by the national government. But it is not obvious whether citizens consider in the same way as economics theory predicts. To unveil this point, I address questions of whether those who have higher consciousness toward environmental issues at the neighbor or local level prefer local governments to decide environment policies, whether those who have more consciousness about environmental issues at the national level prefer the national government to decide the policies, and whether those who have higher consciousness toward environmental problems at global level prefer higher levels government such as the United Nations to decide the policies. By fitting multi-level probit regressions to cross-national survey data collected in ASEAN countries, I found the results supporting the hypotheses. The country analyses show the results which support the hypotheses in Brunei, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Ana Liza M. Cruz ◽  
Franz Jake M. Cruz ◽  
Olive Chester Cuya Antonio

One source of funding for sub national government is imposition of taxes. It is imposed upon individual and corporation within the territorial jurisdiction of the municipality.  Local governments are funded through Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) provided by the National Government. The purpose of the study is to assess the local revenue generation capacity of the municipality of Bongabon, Nueva Ecija in the Philippines. The paper revealed that its calculated collection efficiency is only 20.6% of the total collectibles on Real Property Tax. The average local revenue raising capacity of the municipality of Bongabon, Nueva Ecija within the period of 7 years (2011 to 2017) is only 40.9 % of the externally sourced revenue or IRA. The study concluded that the municipality of Bongabon, Nueva Ecija remains dependent on national government when it comes to funding. The study also identified various constraints to efficient tax collection while local citizens perceived the LGU capacity to collect tax negatively. More studies on tax capacity are encouraged to come up with sufficient baseline data that may serve as inputs to policy making and solve the problems of tax collection in the local level.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem

The article examines both civil society initiatives that seek to address the mass violence of 1965 and 1966 and the state's responses to them. Unlike other political-transition contexts in the world, a transitional justice approach is apparently a formula that state authorities have found difficult to implement nationally for this particular case. The central government has, through its institutions, sporadically responded to some of the calls from civil society groups and has even initiated policy reforms to support such initiatives. Nevertheless, these responses were not sustained and any suggested programmes have always failed to be completed or implemented. Simultaneously, however, NGOs and victims are also voicing their demands at the local level. Many of their initiatives involve not only communities but also local authorities, including in some cases the local governments. In some aspects, these “bottom-up” approaches are more successful than attempts to create change at the national level. Such approaches challenge what Kieran McEvoy refers to as an innate “seductive” quality of transitional justice, but at the same time these approaches do, in fact, aim to “seduce” the state to adopt measures for truth and justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 336-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rollin F Tusalem

Migrant remittances have been linked to improving the quality of government and political accountability in the developing world. The argument is that migrants have the capacity to withhold remittances to their families when they deem that their local governments are blighted with corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Relatedly, migrants also empower citizens in sub-national regions by providing funds to family members who become less beholden to clientistic ties with political parties which concomitantly foster state-level corruption. Thus, relatives of migrants also become social agents who will increasingly expect better governmental performance and demand higher levels of political accountability at the sub-national level. Using data provided by the Philippine National Statistics Office and the National Statistical Coordinating Board of the Philippines (NSCB hereafter), the study provides empirical evidence that the number of migrants (by province) and the amount of remittances sent by migrants are positively associated with governmental effectiveness and higher levels of human development at the provincial level. It is also found that opportunistic shirking on the part of the sub-national governments is also not occurring, as remittances also induce provincial governments to spend more on their citizens, which will likely lead to better public goods provision. The overall findings imply that just like their counterparts from other developing countries, Filipino migrants are agents of democratic accountability.


Author(s):  
Robert Agranoff

This chapter reviews the literature on relations between local governments and their national governments. The author explores the expansion of partnerships between national government and local governments with a particular focus on fiscal federalism, revenue dependence, shared governance, and intergovernmental lobbying. Intergovernmental relations in other countries are compared to the U.S. Gaps in the existing literature are discussed along with directions for future research.


2022 ◽  
pp. 91-114
Author(s):  
Lilita Seimuskane ◽  
Maris Pukis

The chapter provides analysis of obstacles for the introduction of direct citizen participation in the decision-making process at the local self-governments in Latvia, as well as intents of national government to widen participative democracy by formalization of consultation mechanisms. Within the scope of this study, participation is seen as an interaction form of relationship between citizens and a local government. The highest form, according to Arnstein's gradation theory of a ladder of citizen participation, refers to the participation degree called partnership, delegated power, and is described by Teorell as a citizen voice in the government. Situation and perspective of local government referendums are analysed. Consultation is implemented at the level by involving the residents in the work of local government commissions and implementing public deliberations. Administrative territorial reform, performed by 2021 elections, will decrease the number of local governments to a third of their current level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-170
Author(s):  
R. K. Shah

The Constitution of Nepal was formally promulgated and it declared the country as a Federal Democratic Republic on September 20, 2015 by the Second CA. Fiscal powers were shared among the federal government, the state governments and the local governments. The Constitution further defined the framework of fiscal federalism within the pattern of income and resource distribution. The primary objectives of this study is to review the modality presented in the new Constitution on the natural resources, economic rights and revenue allocation. The study finds that the fiscal decentralization initiatives have not been successful in minimizing the political, social, economic, regional and ethnic inequalities inherent for nearly 240 years of a unitary system of governance in Nepal. The study recommends that VAT, excise duties and income taxes have to be allocated at the federal, states and local levels in the ratio of 70 percent, 15 percent and 15 percent respectively by the Constitution. Intergovernmental transfer modality has included in the Constitution. Revenue sharing from hydropower has been a controversial issue in Nepal. National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission (NNRFC) has been constituted at the central level to make national level development plans and to make recommendations for additional grants and loans for the state and local governments. The Constitution has further defined the framework of fiscal federalism within the pattern of income and resource distribution. The theoretical study indicates that there is various controversial and overlapping issues required clarity in process of implementation in the years to come.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent S. Balilla ◽  
Julia Anwar McHenry ◽  
Mark P. McHenry ◽  
Riva Marris Parkinson ◽  
Danilo T. Banal

The Indigenous Aeta Magbukún maintain a primarily nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyle in their forested ancestral lands. Through the continued encroachment of non-Indigenous populations, the Aeta Magbukún persist at a critical level. Finding it increasingly difficult to sustain their traditional livelihoods, they must engage in informal commerce to procure sufficient food throughout the year. This work explores the basis of self-identity, traditional kinship ties, evolution of sociopolitical organisation, and the developing political options that sustain the small and vulnerable Indigenous population. Despite recent tentative sociopolitical developments, securing cultural protection requires greater effort in developing political communication and representation at a local and national level. In doing so, the Aeta Magbukún can meet their basic needs, secure traditional cultural knowledge, and are able to influence their own development during a time of relatively rapid acculturation within the mainstream Philippine societal complex.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 161-169
Author(s):  
Anif Fatma Chawa

This article aims to illustrate the role of government in the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries. The extractive industries need support from the government to resolve various problems which have emerged in conducting their CSR. These problems have arisen because of the contradiction and tension in the role or framework of business communities of the extractive industries, as an economic and social agent. To address those problems, based on a structural functional perspective, the extractive industries need other institution primarily government to establish policies or regulations in conducting their CSR. This study employs systemic review method reviewing 70 journal articles of research studies which focus on the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries in Indonesia. This study found that government has an important role to stipulate several regulations mostly at a national level. The regulations require the extractive industries to implement CSR to specifically address various negative impacts, socially, culturally and environmentally, on the affected communities. This study, however, also found that there is insufficient guideline at a local level in relation to CSR. Consequently, the extractive industries have no guidelines in how to establish their CSR activities, to what extend they should involve the local communities as well as the local governments in these activities and to address various problems which have emerged in the implementation of CSR. The lack of guidelines has also given rise to the different perception of the local governments on how they should be involved in the implementation of CSR.


2021 ◽  
pp. 187936652110685
Author(s):  
David Siegel

During the 1990s, a conventional wisdom emerged, based on literature going back decades, that political decentralization might be among the most effective forces for democratization. If ordinary people could participate in autonomous local governments, democracy would be built from the ground up, ultimately shaping the entire political system. Once decentralization reforms were implemented across the world, however, the results were disappointing. Authoritarianism not only thrived at the local level, it could also undermine democratization at the national level. Thus, local-national transference still held, but sometimes as a poison. In this context, the case of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan is an anomaly. Here, the relative success of political decentralization—rather than its failure—nevertheless failed to spur democratization at the national level. I argue that this is because decentralization allowed national authorities to appease international donors while they consolidated their own power. Moreover, while decentralization empowered local communities, it did so in ways that personalized local authority and pitted local and national authorities against one another, resulting in intense localism and antagonistic center-local relations that undermined any democratic transference. The case study findings are based on ten months of field research, which includes interviews with local and national officials, ordinary villagers, and representatives of NGOs and international organizations.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesal Gohil ◽  
Emmanuel Baja ◽  
Tyrone Reden SY ◽  
Ernest Guevara ◽  
Charlotte Hemingway ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: The Philippines is facing a rapidly rising HIV epidemic among young men who have sex with men (MSM). Testing rates among young populations is poor. HIV self-testing (HIVST) is a promising strategy to address this testing gap. Exploring the perceived acceptability, feasibility and programmatic challenges of HIVST among key informants and target users is an important first step. Method: A qualitative study involving semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions (FGD). We interviewed 15 key informants involved with HIV testing programs or policies and 42 target users in six FGD in Metro Manila. We held separate discussions with high socio-economic MSM (n= 12), urban poor MSM (n=15) and transgender women (TGW) (n= 15). Results were analysed using a thematic framework approach. Results: MSM and TGW welcomed the convenience and privacy HIVST could provide. They preferred an inexpensive accurate blood-based kit attained from reputable sites. Key informants at national and local level equally welcomed HIVST but identified a number of policy and regulatory issues. Both groups articulated the challenge of enrolling those who test reactive using HIVST to further testing and treatment in an environment characterised by acute stigma around HIV. Conclusions: HIVST was found to be highly acceptable to target users and was welcomed as an additional testing approach at national level. Strategic alliances are now needed between stakeholders to proactively deliver a patient-centred HIVST program that could provide an effective, safe means of increasing testing coverage in this escalating context.


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