Response to Eric Uslaner's review of A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in Nigeria

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1176-1177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Jordan Smith

I am grateful for Eric Uslaner's thoughtful review of my book. The exchange between us highlights for me, above all, the benefits of reading and conversing across disciplinary boundaries. Uslaner correctly notes that my book refers relatively little to a vast political science literature on corruption. My aim was to understand corruption in Nigeria as it is experienced by ordinary citizens, rather than to contribute to Western analytical debates about (possibly) more universal aspects of corruption and its consequences. But I certainly acknowledge and accept that my own analysis and understanding (as well as the larger contribution of my book) would have benefited from a deeper engagement with the political science literature on corruption. I would quibble with his contrast between anthropologists' “stories” and political scientists' “data.” To me, real people's lives and narratives are among the most powerful data in the social sciences—but that is why I am an anthropologist.

2018 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 204-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

Pundits and academics alike are increasingly interested in populism. This is a welcome development, since not long ago research on populism was relegated to the margins of the social sciences. Among those who are starting to undertake comparative research on populism, there is, however, a tendency to overlook the cumulative scholarship that has been developed on the topic (e.g., Rovira Kaltwasser et al. 2017). In this short piece I offer an overview of the ideational approach to populism, which is becoming increasingly influential in the political science literature and can also be useful for those interested in studying the economic consequences of populism.


2018 ◽  
pp. 43-56
Author(s):  
Artur Lipiński

The social sciences have experienced an unprecedented interest in the issue of collective memory dating back at least to the 1990s. There has been a veritable avalanche of studies into this topic, editorial series and periodicals have appeared devoted exclusively to it. Simulta- neously, an analysis of the literature on this topic shows that collective memory is not a partic- ularly frequent subject of political science research. It is therefore routine in many works of political scientists to acknowledge the limited number of studies on memory. All that does not mean that the trend has not begun slowly to change. The number of texts on the political as- pects of memory is systematically growing, there are editorial series and monographic issues of scientific periodicals concerning the issue of memory or the political instrumentalization of history. Political scientists are also co-authors of collective works and periodicals of an inter- disciplinary character. The objective of this paper is to analyze a single, but highly influential, issue related to political science research into memory, namely the topic of identity perceived from the perspective of collective memory. The purpose is not so much the exhaustive presen- tation of all the surveys into memory and collective identity in the field of political science but rather establishing the set of main concepts, themes and issues explored by political science literature written in English.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (03) ◽  
pp. 616-618
Author(s):  
Diego Mazzoccone ◽  
Mariano Mosquera ◽  
Silvana Espejo ◽  
Mariana Fancio ◽  
Gabriela Gonzalez ◽  
...  

It is very difficult to date the birth of political science in Argentina. Unlike other discipline of the social sciences, in Argentina the first distinction can be made between political thought on the one hand, and political science in another. The debate over political thought—as the reflection of different political questions—emerged in our country in the nineteenth century, especially during the process of constructing the Argentine nation-state. Conversely, political science is defined in a general way as the application of the scientific method to the studies on the power of the state (Fernández 2001).


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-127
Author(s):  
Maryam Rutner

AbstractThis survey examines the content and purpose of the political science discipline in respect to seven prominent universities in Iran and its significance for the Iranian society. It is based on quantitative and qualitative data including personal interviews and survey results, as well as theses conducted by political science students, academic articles written by scholars in the field, and university curricula. The survey suggests that Iranian political science after the 1979 revolution addresses contemporary political problems and challenges related to Iran only to a limited extent, and is predominantly theoretical and “borrowed” in nature, despite the goal during the Cultural Revolution to indigenize and Islamicize the social sciences.


Author(s):  
Aurel Croissant

The social science literature on civil-military relations—a concept that encompasses the entire range of interactions between the military and civilian society at every level—falls into a sociological and a political science strand. The former is concerned primarily with the military as a social organization and the social functions of military systems, as well as the ways in which these factors have changed over time. The political science strand, in contrast, more narrowly focuses on political-military relations, that is, the structures, processes, and outcomes of the interactions between the institutions and organizations of the political system, on the one hand, and the armed forces and their members, on the other. As is the case with other continents, the study of civil-military relations in Asia is both normative and positive, often within the same work. While normative contributions ask what “good” civil-military relations should look like, positive analyses seek to describe and explain the actual relationship between the soldier and the state in Asia, examine the effects of military coups and military rule on other political or socioeconomic activities, and predict the consequences of political-military relations for the persistence and performance of political regimes. Perhaps as a consequence of the highly diverse cultures, colonial histories, political legacies, and modes of postcolonial governance, single-case studies and small-N comparative analyses dominate the field and systematic intra-regional comparisons and cross-national studies are rare. Since its inception in the 1960s, research on Asian civil-military relations in social science has moved in various directions: as elsewhere, its initial preoccupation was with the role of military institutions in processes of decolonization, modernization, and nation-building. In the 1970s, scholarship moved toward analyzing the origins of military coups d’état and policy consequences of military rule. A second line of research investigated party-military relations in Communist Party regimes, which operated under societal and institutional circumstances that were quite different from those in the non-socialist states. From the late 1980s onward, the so-called third wave of democratization inspired a new generation of civil-military studies, which illuminate the military’s role in the breakdown of authoritarianism and how young democracies struggle with the double challenge of creating and preserving a military that is strong enough to fulfill its functions, but that is subordinate to the authority of democratically elected institutions. In the 2000s, the study of security sector reform has become the most recent addition to the literature. This article is primarily concerned with the political science strand of civil-military research. It focuses on the positive literature and gives priority to research on Southeast Asia and East Asia, but also includes comparative works and collections that illuminate civil-military relations in South Pacific countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 147
Author(s):  
Anna Matusiak

THE CONCEPT OF PUBLIC INTEREST AS GROUNDS FOR A PROSECUTOR’S PARTICIPATION IN PROCEEDINGS Summary The term “public interest” is often treated as the equivalent of “social interest,” which is a concept derived from colloquial language. It is a common expression in the social sciences, mainly in sociology, political science, psychology and economics. However, it is certainly used in the various branches and disciplines of law. It became a legal concept as soon as it appeared in the texts of normative acts. For many years a discussion has been going on in the literature whether the concept of “public interest” does not in fact belong primarily to the political sphere, which would mean that lawyers should refrain from using it in their analyses. However, it is hard to agree with this hypothesis. The fact that the expression appears in a number of acts implies that for the rational legislator it is associated with specific values and objectives. Regardless of whether or not the interchangeability of the terms “public interest” and “social interest” is due to a lack of precision or to the fact that the difference between them is relatively small, terminology should be used accurately. Since the rational legislator uses them as different expressions, they should not be considered to have the same meaning. Public interest is not synonymous with the concept of social interest. Terminological analysis leads to the conclusion that the differences may not be fundamental, nevertheless they do exist and a precise use of the terminology is required.


Author(s):  
Celestine O. Bassey

The disciplinary matrix of politics has been at the epicentre of the theoretical and epistemic ferment which has characterized the social sciences in the past forty years. This epistemic ferment found cogent expression in the Nigerian social sciences in the!980s and 1990s, as could be seen in the works of a number of scholars. By and large, however, the ‘search for a paradigm’ an inclusive attempt to comprehend the theory and practice of states’ behaviour which has characterized endeavours in the political science discipline, in the West and East is still an exception rather than the rule in the literature concerning Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. The ‘golden age’ of contemporary political analysis involving the best and brightest in both East and West is still a distant future horizon for Nigeria. This paper argues that the reason for this epistemic ‘underdevelopment’ of political science in Nigeria has multiple causes and is organically linked to generational thought forces which devalue theory and methoiiin political science, castigate Marxist epistemology and seek through intimidation to make ‘disciples’ rather than ‘scholars’ out of the young ‘initiates’ into the discipline.


2021 ◽  
Vol 376 (1822) ◽  
pp. 20200148
Author(s):  
Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser

Although it is true that populism is a contested concept in the social sciences, there is increasing consensus around the use of an ideational definition of populism within the political science literature. This definition has the advantage of providing a clear concept that can be employed to empirically study not only the supply side but also the demand side of the populist phenomenon. Not by chance, an increasing number of scholars are working with a set of survey items to measure the presence and relevance of populist ideas at the mass level, something that is usually conceived of as populist attitudes. Despite the incremental study of populist attitudes in political science, only very limited links with the political psychology literature have been established so far. In this short piece, I address this shortcoming by discussing two avenues for further research on populism that seek to promote much-needed dialogue between comparative politics and political psychology: political identities and conspiracy theories. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Sari Hanafi

This study investigates the preachers and their Friday sermons in Lebanon, raising the following questions: What are the profiles of preachers in Lebanon and their academic qualifications? What are the topics evoked in their sermons? In instances where they diagnosis and analyze the political and the social, what kind of arguments are used to persuade their audiences? What kind of contact do they have with the social sciences? It draws on forty-two semi-structured interviews with preachers and content analysis of 210 preachers’ Friday sermons, all conducted between 2012 and 2015 among Sunni and Shia mosques. Drawing from Max Weber’s typology, the analysis of Friday sermons shows that most of the preachers represent both the saint and the traditional, but rarely the scholar. While they are dealing extensively with political and social phenomena, rarely do they have knowledge of social science


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