The Origins of Regional Autonomy in Indonesia: Experts and the Marketing of Political Interests

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith
Keyword(s):  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Potential Impact

This article argues that, in contrast with prevalent choice-theoretic accounts of institutional origins in new democracies, the passage of Indonesia's regional autonomy laws in 1999 took place despite the interests of powerful political actors rather than because of them. Lacking the past experience to calculate retrospectively the likely electoral payoff from supporting an effort to devolve political power to Indonesia's city and regency governments, New Order–era political elites in Jakarta gambled on the advice of a team of experts. The experts assured them that supporting the effort would give them strong and salient reformist credentials on the eve of free elections. The conclusion of the article suggests that the political origins of regional autonomy in Indonesia have broad implications for the understanding of institutional genesis in new democracies, and that the potential impact of expert advisers is a fruitful focus of future research.

I. The Augustan Historian

1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7
Keyword(s):  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Ab Urbe Condita ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Relationship

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.

E-Commerce Standards

2011 ◽  
pp. 2200-2224
Author(s):  
Stephen Hawk ◽  
Weijun Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Future Research ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
History Of ◽  
Potential Impact

This chapter introduces XML-based e-commerce standards that have emerged within the past decade. The chapter describes the history of e-commerce standards, and then presents representative horizontal and vertical e-commerce standards by detailing their functionality, and how their development has been shaped by various stakeholders. The chapter also describes the potential for these standards to transform B2B practice by providing three industry examples. The chapter finishes by suggesting directions for future research by describing factors that could influence the future of these standards. Due to the central role these standards are likely to play in future e-commerce activity, most firms will at some point need to become aware of their capabilities, their application, and potential impact. This chapter is intended to provide an overview of the situation as it is understood today, and presents likely scenarios for how these standards may progress.

Representing the Nation Horizontally and Vertically

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciavolella
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Ethnic Discrimination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Group A ◽  
Political Value

This article retraces the parallel and contrasting developments of state formation and of citizenship in Mauritania, recasting the reflection on postcolonial and anthropological debates on citizenship and state and civil society. In this perspective, cultural, ethnic and even “racial” differences – such as the Arabs/Africans or White/Black peoples dichotomies – have alternatively been considered as a social resource for consolidating a postcolonial nation or a threat to social harmony and to political development. The article deconstructs both of these positions in order to show their common features in their tendency to reduce state and civil society relationships to a matter of “horizontal” interactions between social groups. The hypothesis is that these visions have historically played a depoliticizing role, hiding the “vertical” dimension of relationships between hegemonic governing elites and social groups that are economically and socially fragmented, hierarchized, and even discriminated against. The article proceeds in three steps. First, it shows the way in which issues of identity are highly sensitive in contemporary Mauritania, relying particularly on a recent case of ethnic discrimination during a census campaign. It then retraces the evolution of political and intellectual debates on identities in Mauritanian society, putting them in perspective with the evolution of political power or of the political interests and views of social and political actors. Finally, it relies on historical and ethnographic records about a particular social group (a pastoral Fulani lineage), which does not fit into usual ethnic categories and dichotomies, and by that ultimately shows the political value of discourses on identity.

Media Coverage of International Climate Summits and Negotiations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Wolling ◽  
Dorothee Arlt
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Character

The annual climate summits (Conferences of the Parties, or COPs) are major political events that receive considerable media attention. In this way, the topic of climate change returns regularly to both the media and the political agenda. It makes sense, therefore, that communication research regards COPs as occasion to investigating how the media cover climate change. Nevertheless, this strategy has two shortcomings: On the one hand the focus on the conferences might provide a distorted picture—because of the political character of the conferences, the role of political actors and policy-related frames might be overestimated. On the other hand, the political character of the conferences is not always considered appropriately. Most research is mainly interested in the coverage on climate change in the context of the conferences and not in the political discussions taking place at the summits. Future research should address these discussions more intensively, giving more attention especially to the debates in the various online media.

Mobility, Migration, and Diasporas in Roman Britain

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hella Eckardt ◽  
Gundula Müldner
Keyword(s):  
Material Culture ◽  
Isotopic Analysis ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Roman Period ◽  
Educational Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Roman Britain ◽  
The Past ◽  
Potential Impact

This chapter examines the main sources of evidence for mobility in the Roman period, focusing on epigraphy, material culture, and new scientific techniques, specifically isotopic analysis, evaluating strengths and weaknesses of each approach. Employing diaspora theory and hybridization models, it also asks broader questions of how interactions and relationships between incomers and locals can be modelled. Finally, and acknowledging that there is now an increased awareness of the political context in which research on emotive themes such as migration is conceived and conducted, we review some recently developed educational resources and their potential impact on public perceptions of mobility in the past.

scholarly journals The Phenomena of “An Empty Box” and the Resistence of Pati People to the Oligarchy Domination in the Local Election Pati

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09008
Author(s):  
Hidayat Sardini Nur ◽  
Fitriyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Case Study Method ◽  
Local Society ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Research Show

This research tries to highlight the phenomena of “an empty box” and society resistance to oligharchy formation in the regional election of Pati in 2017. Its aims are to find out the underlying factors, and other factors trigerring the existence of “an empty box” and society resistence. This research is qualitative with a case study method. The data was gained by interviewing informants deeply, and collecting secondary data. The results of research show that there are various models of general election with a single candidate, and various local society resistence to political oligarchy practices and formation also appear. Further, the weaknesses of political party recruitment as the sources of leadership and the greed of political elites are also revealed. Knowing the findings, a good arrangement to improve the function of political parties should be done. Then, for the future research the roles of oligarchy in regions as one of ways to control local political actors can be studied.

Three Decades of Bangladeshi Politics (1990-2019): The Emergence and Collapse of the Political Settlements

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Ali Riaz
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Dominant Coalition ◽  
Democratic Transformation ◽  
Political Settlement

This paper explores the tumultuous political history of Bangladesh since it embarked on democratization process in 1991 after two decades of civilian and military authoritarianism, using the political settlement framework. Political settlement, in this paper is understood as, an agreement among elites and other social forces regarding ‘distribution of benefits supported by its institutions consistent with the distribution of power in the society’ (Khan, 2010). At the political level the arrangement is expected to ensure that the system would not unravel by conflict and violence. In the past decades, the country not only experienced repeated episodes of violence but also hopes of a democratic transformation have faded. Bangladesh has moved towards a non-inclusive political system. The paper argues that the period in question is marked by the emergence and collapse of a political settlement among political elites. It explores the nature and scope of the political settlement that emerged in the 1980s and collapsed by 2010, and demonstrates that by 2014, an exclusionary authoritarian settlement has emerged characterized by a lack of inclusivity and coercive apparatuses’ heightened role. The breakdown of political settlement was predicated by the nature of the settlement, its implications for the elites in the challenger coalition, and the degree of inclusivity of the dominant coalition. The exclusionary political settlement provides a semblance of ‘stability’ for a limited period but fails to contain the tension in the long term even when it delivers economic growth.

Political Generations in China

1979 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 793-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Generations ◽  
Rapid Changes ◽  
Current Leadership ◽  
New Policies ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Year 2000

The rapid changes in China of the past few years have quite properly focused much attention on the problems of political succession at the top levels of Chinese politics. In part this is recognized as a generational issue because of the advanced age of the first set of leaders of the People's Republic. Indeed, this is still a question of contemporary significance. Teng Hsiao-p'ing, for example, is alleged to have said that he turned down the premiership in favour of Hua Kuo-feng because he was in his 70s whereas Hua was in his 50s. Therefore, unlike Teng, the latter could expect to guide the modernization programme through to the year 2000. One of the major problems overshadowing the current Chinese leadership (both at the levels of the Political Bureau and even the Central Committee) is that soon a new generation of leaders will replace the old. It is perhaps because of this that the current leadership has been so concerned to consolidate the new order and to set the new modernization programme upon what is hoped will be an irreversible course. At the same time one of the reasons for the reluctance of many officials at all levels of China's bureaucracies to implement the new policies with the enthusiasm and initiative expected in Peking is precisely the fear that the new policies may be reversed by a new set of leaders whose succession in the nature of things cannot be long delayed.

scholarly journals CONTEXTOS DE CENSURA ÀS ARTES VISUAIS NO BRASIL: DUAS APROXIMAÇÕES / Visual arts censorship contexts in Brazil: two approaches

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 201-215
Author(s):  
Juliana Proenço de Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Visual Arts ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Current Context ◽  
The Military ◽  
A Current

Esta pesquisa propõe aproximar o “contexto” de censura às artes visuais no Brasil após 2017 ao da ditadura militar (1964–1985). Na ditadura, a censura agia via um órgão estatal oficial, extinto em 1988. Ainda assim, pode-se divisar um "contexto" atual de censura pela profusão de casos ocorridos desde 2017. Se, no passado, censurar era ato exclusivo de funcionários estatais específicos; representantes públicos, privados e até indivíduos censuraram obras de arte nos últimos anos. No curso da análise, surgem indagações sobre o perfil político ou moral da censura nos dois contextos estudados e sobre a capacidade de ambos gerarem autocensura. Argumento comum hoje é o de que a censura não passa de uma “cortina de fumaça” para interesses políticos. Urge cogitar que se lida com algo menos efêmero do que fumaça, cuja dispersão exigirá esforços concretos.Palavras-chave: Censura às artes visuais no Brasil; Ditadura militar; Órgãos estatais de censura; Censura política; Censura moral.Abstract This research proposes to approximate the “context” of censorship to visual arts in Brazil after 2017 to that of the military dictatorship (1964–1985). In the dictatorship, censorship acted via an official state institution, which was extinguished in 1988. Still, one can see a current "context" of censorship by the profusion of cases that have occurred since 2017. If, in the past, censoring was the exclusive act of specific state officials; public and private representatives and even individuals have censored works of art in recent years. In the course of the analysis, questions arise about the political or moral profile of censorship in each of the studied contexts and about the capacity of both to generate self-censorship. A common argument today is that censorship is nothing more than a “smokescreen” for political interests. There is an urgent need to consider dealing with something less ephemeral than smoke, the dispersal of which will require concrete efforts.Keywords: Censorship of visual arts in Brazil; Military dictatorship; State censorship; Political censorship; Moral censorship. 

scholarly journals Riau Malay Identity Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rafi ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Baskoro Wicaksono
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Data Interpretation ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Research Theme ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
Answering Questions

This article is a study of the process of the rise of Riau Malay Identity Politics when it was previously marginalized in the New Order era. The purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of Malay culture in Riau province. This research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about Riau Malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. The results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the Riau Province government tried to strengthen Malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. Then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic Malay in the past, were rectified again by giving Islamic values to all the lives of the Malay people. Furthermore, the Local Government and the Riau Malay Customary Institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of Malay as the origin of Indonesian.

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