scholarly journals Riau Malay Identity Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rafi ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Baskoro Wicaksono
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Data Interpretation ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Research Theme ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
Answering Questions

This article is a study of the process of the rise of Riau Malay Identity Politics when it was previously marginalized in the New Order era. The purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of Malay culture in Riau province. This research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about Riau Malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. The results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the Riau Province government tried to strengthen Malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. Then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic Malay in the past, were rectified again by giving Islamic values to all the lives of the Malay people. Furthermore, the Local Government and the Riau Malay Customary Institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of Malay as the origin of Indonesian.

Monisme Identitas Etnik dan Reliji di Mataram Lombok Nusa Tenggara Barat

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Religious Conversion ◽  
New Order ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Religious Problems

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.

I. The Augustan Historian

1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7
Keyword(s):  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Ab Urbe Condita ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Relationship

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.

Zimbabwe: The conflictual relations between journalism and politics in the first decade of independence

2020 ◽  
Vol 82 (7) ◽  
pp. 594-610
Author(s):  
Wallace Chuma
Keyword(s):  
Complex Terrain ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
Initial Phase ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
New Order ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Media

African countries where democracy and majority rule came about through negotiated transitions are often conflicted polities in which elements of the new order exist uneasily with strong currents of the ancien regime. The media in these ‘transitioning’ societies naturally find themselves at the forefront of interpreting and representing these contradictions through deploying both ‘old’ journalistic frames and creating new narratives. In doing so, African journalists mediating this initial phase of the postcolonial transition negotiate a complex terrain: fielding pressures from an array of power centres including the new political elite transforming itself from a liberation movement into a democratic government, corporate hierarchies with strong links to the past, advertisers and media owners. They are also confronted with a plethora of expectations of how they should represent the new order, in part based on who they are, in terms of race, gender and class. This article focuses on the journalism-politics nexus within the first decade of democracy in Zimbabwe, identifying key moments and sites where the matrix of influences (and contradictions) played itself out. It does so through archival research, including selected biographies published by journalists who lived through the contested transition. The results suggest that in Zimbabwe, the structural factors shaping journalism practice rested to a large extent on a set of expectations of a ‘collaborative’ media by the new political elite, which adopted an aggressive stick and carrot approach to enforcing journalistic collaboration. At the same time, it is also clear that journalists were able, from time to time, to subvert or manoeuvre within the ‘system’ to assert their agency, although this was in cases few and far between.

scholarly journals Dimensi politik hukum dalam perkembangan ekonomi Islam di Indonesia

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Bambang Iswanto
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Exploratory Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Economic Instruments ◽  
Library Research ◽  
History Of ◽  
Islamic Economic ◽  
Clear Description

This study aims to describe the history of recent Islamic economic development in the correlation to politics as a sought to formulated some Islamic economic laws. This qualitative study is an exploratory- analysis. It intended to analyze the position of Islamic economic in Indonesian’s system of law, so it will found the clear description of the implementation of Islamic economic laws in Indonesia. It is a library research. The study found that it is important to found the frame of the development of the products of Islamic economic law at the both period; i.e. New Order and Reformation Era. The concept of Islamic economy is still dominated by the application of Islamic principles in the areas of finance, especially banking. This dominance is not supposed to leave the Islamic economic instruments. In this respect, it associated with the political and legal product, then all the aspects and the Islamic economic instruments should be viewed comprehensively. Tulisan ini akan menguraikan mengenai sejarah ekonomi Islam modern dan keterkaitannya dengan politik dalam upaya merumuskan berbagai hukum ekonomi Islam. Penelitian kualitatif ini merupakan studi exploratory-analysis. Pendekatan ini dimaksudkan untuk menganalisis posisi ekonomi Islam dalam tata hukum Indonesia sehingga akan dapat diperoleh gambaran bagaimana bentuk implementasi ekonomi Islam di Indonesia. Penelitian kepustakaan ini menemukan urgensi untuk menemukan kerangka pengembangan produk hukum ekonomi Islam pada dua periode yang ada yaitu Orde Baru dan Era Reformasi. Konsep ekonomi Islam masih didominasi dengan penerapan prinsip Islam dalam bidang keuangan terutama perbankan. Dominasi ini tidak seharusnya melupakan instrumen ekonomi Islam lainnya karena jika dikaitkan dengan politik dan produk hukum, maka semua aspek dan instrumen ekonomi Islam tersebut harus bisa dilihat secara komprehensif.

scholarly journals Theoretical considerations of post communist political elite; on focus Albania

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 182
Author(s):  
Merlinda Andoni
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
The Past ◽  
Communist Countries ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Theoretical Considerations

This article provides literature and empirical studies review on post-communist political elite. The most debatable question is if old nomeklatura has reproduced itself and is transformed in new elite, or circulation of new blood occurs. Although post communist political elite typology is different among post communist countries, some common theoretical considerations for analyzing it are noticed. This article aims to point out that legacy of the past and accumulation of political capital coupled with the political economic marketization of post communist political elite and civil society and intelligentsia are beneficiary for a thorough understanding of the topic

SEKULERISASI POLITIK DAN ULAMA DI INDONESIA DALAM PRESFEKTIF AHMAD SYAFII MAARIF

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Putri Wulansari
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Wide Road ◽  
Mass Organization ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
The Right

Maaruf Amin As we know, it is the Chairman of the MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) as well as the political elite among the Nadhiyin community. Surely he has an appeal in targeting Muslim voters. Moreover, NU, which is the largest Islamic mass organization in Indonesia, opened a wide road to the Jokowi-Maaruf Amin pair, strolling towards the Palace. Choosing and choosing or declaring their ideological or political choices is a part of human rights that cannot be contested, so that the involvement of ulamas in politics both as council and regional and central leaders is legitimate. However, when this involvement is placed in the context of practical politics or identity politics that can threaten the harmony of the life of the nation in the framework of diversity and unity. So the terminology of ulama and political secularization will be the right to realize the humanized and civilized Indonesia. Considering that ulama (Islam), pastors and other religious leaders have a role as spiritual teachers, they should focus on educating the nation not to be easily dragged into the heat of politics or identity politics, instead of competing to declare their support to make it a political fatwa. instead it fools and injures democracy and political rights of others.   Keywords: Politics, Secularization, Ulama

YEZID SAYIGH, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949–1993 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, and Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). Pp. 96. £70.00 cloth.

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-196
Author(s):  
Ann M. Lesch
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Past Half Century ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
Past Half

Yezid Sayigh's encylopedic history focuses on the role that the idea of armed struggle played in the Palestinian national movement as it evolved over the past half-century. His central thesis is that “armed struggle provided the political impulse and organisational dynamic in the evolution of Palestinian national identity and in the formation of parastatal institutions and a bureaucratic elite, the nucleus of government” (p. vii). The concept of armed struggle reforged Palestinian national identity, mobilized Palestinians, provided political legitimization to the Palestinian movement, made the Palestinians a distinct political actor in relation to the Arab states, helped to create institutions that could form the basis of a government, and established a well-defined political elite. Thus, even though Palestinian leaders never transformed the armed struggle into a people's war along the lines of Algeria or Vietnam, and never liberated any part of Palestine by force, armed struggle served other important, statist functions.

Political Generations in China

1979 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 793-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Generations ◽  
Rapid Changes ◽  
Current Leadership ◽  
New Policies ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Year 2000

The rapid changes in China of the past few years have quite properly focused much attention on the problems of political succession at the top levels of Chinese politics. In part this is recognized as a generational issue because of the advanced age of the first set of leaders of the People's Republic. Indeed, this is still a question of contemporary significance. Teng Hsiao-p'ing, for example, is alleged to have said that he turned down the premiership in favour of Hua Kuo-feng because he was in his 70s whereas Hua was in his 50s. Therefore, unlike Teng, the latter could expect to guide the modernization programme through to the year 2000. One of the major problems overshadowing the current Chinese leadership (both at the levels of the Political Bureau and even the Central Committee) is that soon a new generation of leaders will replace the old. It is perhaps because of this that the current leadership has been so concerned to consolidate the new order and to set the new modernization programme upon what is hoped will be an irreversible course. At the same time one of the reasons for the reluctance of many officials at all levels of China's bureaucracies to implement the new policies with the enthusiasm and initiative expected in Peking is precisely the fear that the new policies may be reversed by a new set of leaders whose succession in the nature of things cannot be long delayed.

scholarly journals FAKSIONALISASI DAN KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research

This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. 

scholarly journals Religious Identity Politics on Social Media in Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Rahmad M. Arsyad ◽  
Muhammad Asdar A.B.
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Gubernatorial Election

This study aims to examine the construction of religious identity politics discourse on Facebook and Twitter social media platforms on the 2017 Jakarta governor election. The researcher uses a constructive perspective by Paul C. Stern who views the use of identity politics as a construction formed from collaboration between the community and the political elite in creating tension and new conflicts in the country. The research methodology used focuses on the discourse of religious identity politics on social media (Facebook and Twitter) is a critical discourse analysis by Teun A Van Dijk. The results of this study revealed the construction of religious identity politics which was adopted in the form of symbolic power "Muslim Governor for Jakarta" as a form of reproduction of the majority discourse of privileges on minority groups.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document