scholarly journals CONTEXTOS DE CENSURA ÀS ARTES VISUAIS NO BRASIL: DUAS APROXIMAÇÕES / Visual arts censorship contexts in Brazil: two approaches

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 201-215
Author(s):  
Juliana Proenço de Oliveira

Esta pesquisa propõe aproximar o “contexto” de censura às artes visuais no Brasil após 2017 ao da ditadura militar (1964–1985). Na ditadura, a censura agia via um órgão estatal oficial, extinto em 1988. Ainda assim, pode-se divisar um "contexto" atual de censura pela profusão de casos ocorridos desde 2017. Se, no passado, censurar era ato exclusivo de funcionários estatais específicos; representantes públicos, privados e até indivíduos censuraram obras de arte nos últimos anos. No curso da análise, surgem indagações sobre o perfil político ou moral da censura nos dois contextos estudados e sobre a capacidade de ambos gerarem autocensura. Argumento comum hoje é o de que a censura não passa de uma “cortina de fumaça” para interesses políticos. Urge cogitar que se lida com algo menos efêmero do que fumaça, cuja dispersão exigirá esforços concretos.Palavras-chave: Censura às artes visuais no Brasil; Ditadura militar; Órgãos estatais de censura; Censura política; Censura moral.Abstract This research proposes to approximate the “context” of censorship to visual arts in Brazil after 2017 to that of the military dictatorship (1964–1985). In the dictatorship, censorship acted via an official state institution, which was extinguished in 1988. Still, one can see a current "context" of censorship by the profusion of cases that have occurred since 2017. If, in the past, censoring was the exclusive act of specific state officials; public and private representatives and even individuals have censored works of art in recent years. In the course of the analysis, questions arise about the political or moral profile of censorship in each of the studied contexts and about the capacity of both to generate self-censorship. A common argument today is that censorship is nothing more than a “smokescreen” for political interests. There is an urgent need to consider dealing with something less ephemeral than smoke, the dispersal of which will require concrete efforts.Keywords: Censorship of visual arts in Brazil; Military dictatorship; State censorship; Political censorship; Moral censorship. 

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 09-22
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Pinto de Andrade ◽  
Rogerio De Almeida Souza

Este texto tem como objetivo analisar a vida e a obra de Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), pastor presbiteriano, opositor do regime militar no Brasil e intelectual engajado na luta pela defesa dos direitos humanos. Foi uma das vozes que mais combateu a ditadura militar no interior do protestantismo brasileiro. Desde a deflagração do golpe em 1964, fez a opção político/religiosa de não aderir ao regime autoritário. Wright se vinculou ao movimento estudantil e dedicou-se ao amparo religioso/pastoral dos perseguidos políticos. Sua contribuição como intelectual, perpassa o campo religioso. Ele atuou junto aos organismos internacionais voltados para a defesa dos direitos humanos e fundamentais à vida e denunciou as atrocidades do regime militar no Brasil. Para a efetivação da pesquisa foram utilizadas as seguintes fontes: documentos e imagens disponibilizados pelo projeto Brasil: Nunca Mais; jornais da época: entrevistas e matérias; decretos e leis. Os dados revelados pelas fontes indicam que a vida e obra de Jaime Wright contribuíram decisivamente para o processo de redemocratização do Brasil. This text analyzes the life and work of Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), a Presbyterian pastor, a fierce opponent of the military regime in Brazil, and intellectually engaged in the struggle for the defense of human rights. He was one of the voices that most fought the military dictatorship in the Brazilian Protestant movement. Since the outbreak of the coup in 1964, he made the political and religious choice of not joining the authoritarian regime. Wright joined the student movement and dedicated himself to the religious support of the politically persecuted. His contribution as a committed intellectual goes beyond the clerical field. He was involved with international organizations dedicated to the defense of human rights and the fundamental rights to life. He also exposed the military regime's atrocities. For the realization of the research were used the following sources: documents and images made available by the Project Brazil: Never Again; newspapers of the time: interviews and stories; decrees and laws. The data revealed by the sources, indicate the life and work of Jaime Wright contributed in a decisive way to the re-democratization process in the Brazilian society.


2000 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Da Costa Marques

A oferta ao mercado de produtos tecnicamente defasados com preços altos e a pressão norte-americana são explicações insatisfatórias para que a reserva de mercado no setor da informática praticada no Brasil, nos anos 70 e 80, seja hoje uma experiência ainda mais intensamente rejeitada do que considerada fracassada. A situação requer explicações mais complexas. Este artigo oferece uma nova explicação para o fracasso e a rejeição e também para um pouco conhecido sucesso da reserva de mercado, colocando em cena três fatores sociotécnicos específicos: o caráter especial da comunidade de profissionais brasileiros de informática, a intervenção do SNI (a polícia política da ditadura) e o advento dos microcomputadores. A imbricação desses fatores problematiza de uma nova forma os vínculos entre a reserva de mercado, o caráter autoritário do regime militar e os ideais do liberalismo democrático. A abordagem de inclinação sociotécnica aqui adotada divide o período em duas fases em que esses vínculos diferem radicalmente. Com surpresa, a primeira fase da reserva do mercado dos computadores no Brasil mostra uma afinidade não explorada entre as formas democráticas e a possibilidade de sucesso de políticas industriais para o desenvolvimento das ciências e das tecnologias nos países em desenvolvimento. Abstract Supplying the computer market with technically obsolete and high priced products plus the American pressure do not provide a satisfactory explanation for the fact that the market reserve practiced in Brazil in the 1980-90 is today even more intensely rejected than just taken as a failure. The situation requires more complex explanations. This paper offers a new explanation for the rejection and failure of the market reserve, and for its little known success as well, by means of three specific sociotechnical factors: the special character of the community of Brazilian computer professionals, the intervention of the political police of the military dictatorship (SNI), and the appearance of the microcomputer. This paper runs against the mainstream opinion that does not sufficiently problematizes the links between the market reserve, the authoritarian character of the military regime, and liberal democratic ideals. The sociotechnically inspired approach here adopted performs a division of the period into two phases where these links differ radically. Surprisingly, the first phase of the computer market reserve presents a frequently denied affinity between the democratic forms and the possibility of successful implementation of industrial and scientific policies seeking the development of sciences and technologies in developing countries.


1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Kossok

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.


Africa ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Ruel

AbstractIn pre-colonial times ‘seers’, abarooti, played an important role in the political and especially in the military organisation of Kuria, harassed as they were by neigh-bouring Maasai and other Kuria. Seers foretold and in effect planned cattle raids undertaken by warriors, but they also acted more generally to warn of impending events and thus to influence the course of political action. They were distinguished by their more public role from diviners but theirs was not a formal office and it drew upon personal qualities, individual success and local renown. Their predictive ability was identified as ‘dreaming’ (okoroota) but the term is used freely in a metaphorical as well as literal sense. Seers varied considerably in their status and field of influence. The introduced term omonaabi, ‘prophet’, was in use by the 1950s to describe the more outstanding seers of the past, and they were credited with foretelling many of the circumstances that Kuria were later to experience. But by then it was only their prophecies and not they themselves, or their role, that had survived. A short postscript comments on the circumstances and use of these terms in 1990.


2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.


Author(s):  
Mariana Cunha Pereira

In this text, I re-elaborate the narratives and oral speech of some of the social subjects (Guyanese Negroes, Macushi Indigenous and Wapishana, regional Brazilians) about the Rupununi Uprising. The narratives and oral speech of the interviewees on the subject are partially constituted by the fieldwork that originated the Ethnography built as a doctorate thesis in the frontier Brazil-Guyana. The intention is to contextualize, by means of these narratives, the realms of memory that make up the political landscape of the 60s in these two countries, since the political event called Rupununi Uprising, characterized as one of the most polemic period in Guyana’s history. In Brazil, milestones of this decade were the military dictatorship and the leftist movements.In Guyana it is a moment of the process of independence and of secession fights.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Lyusyena Kirakosyan

This article examines the discourses about Sport for All (SFA) and their evolution over the past four decades in Brazil and analyzes the implications of those discourses for social inclusion of Brazilians with impairments in sport and leisure. It provides an overview of four political milestones in the development of sport participation in Brazil: the launch of the SFA program under the military dictatorship; the adoption of the 1988 Constitution; the ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities; and the Rio 2016 Paralympics. Foucault’s archaeological-genealogical approach has been used to explain how the principle of social inclusion has been practised and enacted through the SFA discourses in Brazil and to discuss the implications of sport and leisure policies for the population with impairments.


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