Political Generations in China

1979 ◽  
Vol 80 ◽  
pp. 793-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Yahuda

The rapid changes in China of the past few years have quite properly focused much attention on the problems of political succession at the top levels of Chinese politics. In part this is recognized as a generational issue because of the advanced age of the first set of leaders of the People's Republic. Indeed, this is still a question of contemporary significance. Teng Hsiao-p'ing, for example, is alleged to have said that he turned down the premiership in favour of Hua Kuo-feng because he was in his 70s whereas Hua was in his 50s. Therefore, unlike Teng, the latter could expect to guide the modernization programme through to the year 2000. One of the major problems overshadowing the current Chinese leadership (both at the levels of the Political Bureau and even the Central Committee) is that soon a new generation of leaders will replace the old. It is perhaps because of this that the current leadership has been so concerned to consolidate the new order and to set the new modernization programme upon what is hoped will be an irreversible course. At the same time one of the reasons for the reluctance of many officials at all levels of China's bureaucracies to implement the new policies with the enthusiasm and initiative expected in Peking is precisely the fear that the new policies may be reversed by a new set of leaders whose succession in the nature of things cannot be long delayed.

Author(s):  
Edward Bellamy

‘No person can be blamed for refusing to read another word of what promises to be a mere imposition upon his credulity.’ Julian West, a feckless aristocrat living in fin-de-siècle Boston, plunges into a deep hypnotic sleep in 1887 and wakes up in the year 2000. America has been turned into a rigorously centralized democratic society in which everything is controlled by a humane and efficient state. In little more than a hundred years the horrors of nineteenth-century capitalism have been all but forgotten. The squalid slums of Boston have been replaced by broad streets, and technological inventions have transformed people’s everyday lives. Exiled from the past, West excitedly settles into the ideal society of the future, while still fearing that he has dreamt up his experiences as a time traveller. Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward (1888) is a thunderous indictment of industrial capitalism and a resplendent vision of life in a socialist utopia. Matthew Beaumont’s lively edition explores the political and psychological peculiarities of this celebrated utopian fiction.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 112
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rafi ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Baskoro Wicaksono

This article is a study of the process of the rise of Riau Malay Identity Politics when it was previously marginalized in the New Order era. The purpose of this article is to look at the stages in the formation of identity politics in restoring the glory of Malay culture in Riau province. This research is descriptive-explorative library research that explains and explores ideas about Riau Malay identity politics by answering questions in problems identified based on reading results and data interpretation related to the research theme. The results showed that after the reforms, the political elite of the Riau Province government tried to strengthen Malay identity with a variety of policies that were disseminated. Then, the negative views that were often directed towards ethnic Malay in the past, were rectified again by giving Islamic values to all the lives of the Malay people. Furthermore, the Local Government and the Riau Malay Customary Institution try to re-socialize the importance of the use of Malay as the origin of Indonesian.


1998 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 403-408
Author(s):  
Francesco Sofo

There have been significant economic, political and technological changes in terms of globalisation, new policies, practices and laws that have impacted on the way organisations operate and offer their services and products. One major impact of globalisation has been the new focus by organisations on their people as the most valuable resource. All businesses are people businesses. People development is at the heart of business success. A company’s HR policy needs to cover every aspect of its operation from what it sells and to whom through to how it organises itself, its capital, equipment, its people, who it employs and where it operates. Over the past ten years managers have acknowledged their role for developing people by taking increased responsibility for improving the skills, knowledge and attitudes (training, education, development) of their people. Managers and employees are changing their relationship to achieve competitive advantage through increased commitment and focus on customers and managing value. This is a description of how one key provider of services to the Olympic Games to be held in Sydney, Australia in the year 2000, has been preparing its staff to optimise this opportunity. The description refers to a three phase change strategy that the organisation is currently implementing over a three year period so that it can maximise its contribution and competitiveness towards the year 2000. I have called the organisation, The Retail Company.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Macabe Keliher ◽  
Hsinchao Wu

Since its inception three years ago, Xi Jinping's anticorruption campaign has targeted some of China's biggest political and military figures and implicated tens of thousands of cadres. This article argues that the current campaign can be distinguished from the many others over the past thirty years not on account of its extensiveness, but rather in its systematic coupling with two other key moves: administrative reform and disciplinary regulation. Together, these three initiatives aim not only to clean up the malfeasance, graft, and bribery pervasive in Chinese political life today, but also to change the political culture. We demonstrate that the current leadership is forcing a shift in political norms and behaviors, and changing the shared assumptions and practices that inform the political dealings of the society, from the approval of permits to the promotion of judges.


Author(s):  
Konrad Lachmayer

This chapter argues against the common consensus regarding the EU 14’s measures against Austria in 2000 by not only retracing the core part of the story but also extending the perspectives on the year 2000 to the past and the future. First, the chapter analyses the historical dimension of Haider’s Freedom Party and the political relevance of the developments in the year 2000 from an Austrian perspective. The chapter contends that the EU did not learn effectively from the measures and failed to develop proper institutional and procedural mechanisms to deal with the questioning of basic values by a Member State. Hereafter, the chapter looks critically back on the participation of the Freedom Party in the Austrian government and the effects of Jörg Haider to Rule of Law and democracy in Austria. Emphasis is placed in acknowledging the different layers of the narrative on the EU 14’s measures.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith

This article argues that, in contrast with prevalent choice-theoretic accounts of institutional origins in new democracies, the passage of Indonesia's regional autonomy laws in 1999 took place despite the interests of powerful political actors rather than because of them. Lacking the past experience to calculate retrospectively the likely electoral payoff from supporting an effort to devolve political power to Indonesia's city and regency governments, New Order–era political elites in Jakarta gambled on the advice of a team of experts. The experts assured them that supporting the effort would give them strong and salient reformist credentials on the eve of free elections. The conclusion of the article suggests that the political origins of regional autonomy in Indonesia have broad implications for the understanding of institutional genesis in new democracies, and that the potential impact of expert advisers is a fruitful focus of future research.


Author(s):  
Olena Palko

The October Revolution brought about a radical shift in the cultural sphere. A new generation of artists and writers was formed. Their orientation towards the future and critical attitude to the past initiated a new chapter of revolutionary and proletarian culture. In Soviet Ukraine, this new artistic cohort in addition embraced national sentiments advancing a culture that was both Soviet and Ukrainian. This article examines the artistic and ideological development of Mykola Khvyl’ovyy (1893–1933), a writer and publicist who championed the ideological struggle for the autonomous project of a Soviet Ukrainian literature to be developed independently from Russian patterns. In this article, Khvyl’ovyy’s ideas as presented in his early prose and pamphlets, written during the so-called Literary Discussion of 1925–1928, are used to outline the writer’s vision of Soviet Ukrainian culture. These ideas are examined against the backdrop of the political developments of the decade characterised by the gradual toughening of the political and ideological climate Union-wide. It is argued that, during the 1920s, an autonomous cultural project in Soviet Ukraine was developed on a par with the centrally endorsed canon of all-Soviet culture implemented in every Soviet republic as a by-product of the korenizatsiya (indigenisation) campaign introduced in 1923. By the early 1930s, the all-Soviet canon gained prominence, whereas the project of an autonomous Soviet Ukrainian culture vanished together with its main representatives, who, in most cases, were physically annihilated. Khvyl’ovyy’s suicide in May 1933 symbolically drew a line under the 1920s decade of transition, with its relative ideological and political tolerance as well as its artistic experimentation.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Fadli Lukman

Wearing the veil relates very much to hermeneutical reception to the Qur’an, though the development and  variety of designs are in accordance with socio-cultural as well as political circumstances. This article discusses the existence of veil in West Sumatera, among the Minangkabau people after Paderi period. Applying a social-history approach with a descriptive-analitical method, this research ends with some interesting findings. In the past in West Sumatera, a specific veil called a mudawarah or lilik became popular as an effect of the reformation of Islamic Education there. The political policies of the New Order period, as well as during the reformation years of increased capitalism, the veil developed a new shape and the wearing of the mudawarah was slowly marginalized. This phenomena shows that although the aesthetic shape of the veil comes from initial text, its development shows such a creative interpretation of the text


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 936-963 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zuzanna Bogumił ◽  
Marta Łukaszewicz

This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper In the year 2000, during the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church, more than one thousand victims of Soviet repressions—people persecuted and murdered by the Soviet regime—were glorified and named the New Russian Martyrs. By presenting the origin and background of the phenomenon, authors demonstrate that the New Martyrdom is a kind of invented tradition. They focus on analysis of the tension that occurs when history becomes religion by highlighting some problematic issues with regard to the New Martyrdom and showing how the Russian Orthodox Church is addressing them. The analysis sheds new light on the political use of religion for the creation of narrative about the past in contemporary Russia.


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