JUST DO IT

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Winant
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Racial Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
White House ◽  
Black Intellectual ◽  
President Elect

AbstractPresident-elect Barack Obama will take office after a campaign that was pathbreaking on many levels. The argument here, necessarily somewhat speculative, is that Obama's management of his racial identity and of racial politics is roughly predictive of his soon-to-begin management of executive power in the United States. Obama is characterized as a “practical idealist,” a true pragmatist in the deeply grounded, philosophical (as opposed to vulgar) sense of that term. Attention is directed to the way Obama has handled or may be likely to handle the racial politics of the election itself, the ongoing realities of structural racism in the United States and the problem of exercising executive power in an endemically racial state, the role of race in national politics, and the role of race in global politics. The uniqueness of this new administration—headed by a preternaturally skilled and intellectually prepared Black politician—is not chiefly located in the symbolism of Obama's Blackness, important as that is. Rather it is Obama's formation as a Black intellectual and politician that may be expected to guide his thought and action in the White House.

“Let’s Not be Laughed at Anymore: Donald Trump and Japan from the 1980s to the Present”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Miller
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Free Trade Agreement ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Past ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The North ◽  
The Relationship

This article explores the central role of Japan’s rise to global economic prominence in the evolution of Donald J. Trump’s worldview. It traces how the transformation of the relationship between the United States and Japan during the 1980s informed Trump’s ideas about trade and protectionism, globalization, the international economy, and executive power. Trump, it argues, was a product of U.S.-Japanese relationship; while he began his public career as a prominent critic of Japan, claiming that the country exploited American trade and defense policy, his career in real estate heavily relied on Japanese finance. This contradictory approach continues to shape his understanding of Japan. As president, Trump repeatedly condemns Japan as predatory and protectionist, but also seeks expanded Japanese investment in the United States to revitalize the U.S. economy. Equally important, Trump has expanded criticisms originating with Japan to countries like China and Mexico, international agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the North American Free Trade Agreement, and the World Trade Organization. By tracing Trump’s rhetorical, financial, and diplomatic encounters with Japan over the past thirty years, this article uncovers the sources of Trump’s contradictory attitudes towards trade, globalization, and cross-border investment and his understandings of strong leadership and executive power.

scholarly journals Nutrition Labeling in the United States and the Role of Consumer Processing, Message Structure, and Moderating Conditions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Andrews ◽  
Scot Burton ◽  
Laurel Aynne Cook
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Meat Products ◽  
Nutrient Content ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nutrition Information ◽  
Nutrition Labeling ◽  
White House ◽  
Message Structure ◽  
Education Act

It has been since 1990 that the landmark Nutritional Labeling Education Act (NLEA) was passed in the United States, and since 1969 that the first White House Conference on Food, Nutrition and Health occurred. In the time since these important events, considerable research has been conducted on how U.S. consumers process and use nutritional labeling. An up-to-date review of nutritional labeling research must address key findings on the processing and use of nutrition facts panels (NFPs), restaurant labeling, front-of-pack (FOP) symbols, health and nutrient content claims, new labeling efforts (e.g., for meat products), and claims not regulated by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Message structure mediates the ways in which consumers process nutritional labeling while moderating conditions affect research outcomes associated with labeling efforts. The most recent policy issues and problems to be considered (e.g., by the FDA) include nutritional labeling as well as identifying opportunities for consumer research in helping to promote healthy lifestyles and reducing obesity in the United States and throughout the world. For example, several unanswered research questions remain regarding how the proposed changes to the NFPs—beef, poultry, and seafood labeling; restaurant chain calorie labeling; alternative FOP formats; and regulated and unregulated health and nutrient content claims—will affect consumers. Researchers have yet to examine not only these different labeling and nutrition information formats, but also how they might interact with one another and the role of key moderating conditions (e.g., one’s motivation, ability opportunity to process nutrition information) in affecting consumer processing and behavior.

Constructivism

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Friedrich Kratochwil
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Speech Acts ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
Deductive Reasoning ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Ideal Theory ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Methodological Choices

Constructivism in the social sciences has known several ups and downs over the last decades. It was rather early successful in sociology but hotly contested in international relations. Oddly enough, just at the moments it made important inroads into the research agenda and also became accepted by the mainstream, the enthusiasm for it waned, and many constructivists—as did mainstream scholars—moved from the concerns of “grand theory” or even “meta-theory” toward “normal science,” or experimented with other (eclectic) approaches, of which the “turn to practice” is perhaps the latest manifestation. In a way, constructivism was “successful” on the one hand by introducing norms, norm-dynamics, and diffusion; the role of new actors in world politics; and the changing role of institutions into the debates, while losing, on the other hand, much of its critical potential. The latter survived only on the fringes—and in Europe more than in the United States. The Copenhagen school, building on the speech act theory, engendered at least a principled discussion of security studies, even if its use of speech acts was too simplistic. In the United States constructivism soon became “mainstreamed” by having its analysis of norms reduced to “variable research.” Similarly, while the “life cycle of norms” apparently inevitably led to norm cascades and “boomerangs,” “norm death,” strangely enough, never made the research agenda, despite the obvious empirical evidence (preventive strikes, unlawful combatants, drone strikes, extrajudicial killings etc.). The elective affinity of constructivism and humanitarianism seemed to have transformed the former into the enlightenment project of “progress,” where a hidden (or not so hidden) teleology of history à la Kant tends to overwhelm the analysis and thus prevents a serious conceptual engagement with both law and (inter-) national politics. This bowdlerization of constructivism is further buttressed by the fact that none of the “leading” U.S. departments has a constructivist on board, ensuring thereby the narrowness of conceptual and methodological choices to which the future “professionals” are exposed. The engagement with concepts and language, which “first generation” constructivists introduced, is displaced again by “ideal theory” (both in terms of deductive reasoning based on “unrealistic” assumptions and in the “clarification” of abstract principles à la Rawls), or by the search for “algorithms” hidden in “big data.”

scholarly journals Pakistan’s Politics of Alliances and the Role of Pakistani Military in Politics (1954-1958): Uneven and Combined Development

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Ali Jibran ◽  
Syed Ali Shah ◽  
Muhammad Bilal
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Uneven And Combined Development ◽  
The Impact

The states have to adjust to the pressure exerted by the 'international'; yet impact of the 'international' on national politics has been ignored by mainstream international relations theories. This study uses a framework of "Uneven and Combined Development" to investigate the impact of Pakistan's inclusion in the United States led defense pacts on Pakistan military's role in domestic politics from 1954 to 1958. The central finding of this research is that the United States preferred Pakistan military over political leadership in Pakistan to checkmate communism in Asia as well as to stop communist political parties gaining power in Pakistan. By participating in these international pacts, the role of Pakistan military expanded in politics which culminated in the first martial law (1958).

scholarly journals Looking Back to Leap Forward: A Framework for Operationalizing the Structural Racism Construct in Minority and Immigrant Health Research

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (Suppl) ◽  
pp. 301-310
Author(s):  
Alexis C. Dennis ◽  
Esther O. Chung ◽  
Evans K. Lodge ◽  
Rae Anne Martinez ◽  
Rachel E. Wilbur
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American Indians ◽  
Health Research ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
The United States ◽  
Alaska Natives ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
Fundamental Cause ◽  
Looking Back

Racism is now widely recognized as a fundamental cause of health inequali­ties in the United States. As such, health scholars have rightly turned their attention toward examining the role of struc­tural racism in fostering morbidity and mortality. However, to date, much of the empirical structural racism-health dispari­ties literature limits the operationalization of structural racism to a single domain or orients the construct around a White/ Black racial frame. This operationaliza­tion approach is incomprehensive and overlooks the heterogeneity of historical and lived experiences among other racial and ethnic groups.To address this gap, we present a theoreti­cally grounded framework that illumi­nates core mutually reinforcing domains of structural racism that have stratified opportunities for health in the United States. We catalog instances of structural discrimination that were particularly con­straining (or advantageous) to the health of racial and ethnic groups from the late 1400s to present. We then illustrate the utility of this framework by applying it to American Indians or Alaska Natives and discuss the framework’s broader implica­tions for empirical health research. This framework should help future scholars across disciplines as they identify and interrogate important laws, policies, and norms that have differentially constrained opportunities for health among racial and ethnic groups.Ethn Dis. 2021;31(Suppl 1):301-310; doi:10.18865/ed.31.S1.301

Bill Clinton and the Path to Good Friday

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-258
Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Small Group ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
White House ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government

Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous administration, and immediately set about exploring issues such as a visitor's visa for Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams and the creation of a Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, duly following through on both pledges despite resistance from Ulster unionists. This chapter utilizes a range of state and personal papers to examine the ways in which Clinton was engaged and advised by a small group of Irish-American supporters, led by a former college friend and former Congressman, Bruce Morrison. The chapter also examines the three visits that Clinton made to Northern Ireland, focusing on his historic 1995 visit. In particular, the chapter considers the role of the US government in the achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and the associated paramilitary ceasefires that preceded it.

scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY

2019 ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Goncharenko A.V.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
White House ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the

The Role of Gender and Sensation Seeking in Film Choice

2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Smita C. Banerjee ◽  
Kathryn Greene ◽  
Marina Krcmar ◽  
Zhanna Bagdasarov ◽  
Dovile Ruginyte
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Undergraduate Students ◽  
Sensation Seeking ◽  
Negative Mood ◽  
Positive Mood ◽  
The United States ◽  
High Arousal ◽  
Subject Design ◽  
Happy Mood

This study demonstrates the significance of individual difference factors, particularly gender and sensation seeking, in predicting media choice (examined through hypothetical descriptions of films that participants anticipated they would view). This study used a 2 (Positive mood/negative mood) × 2 (High arousal/low arousal) within-subject design with 544 undergraduate students recruited from a large northeastern university in the United States. Results showed that happy films and high arousal films were preferred over sad films and low-arousal films, respectively. In terms of gender differences, female viewers reported a greater preference than male viewers for happy-mood films. Also, male viewers reported a greater preference for high-arousal films compared to female viewers, and female viewers reported a greater preference for low-arousal films compared to male viewers. Finally, high sensation seekers reported a preference for high-arousal films. Implications for research design and importance of exploring media characteristics are discussed.

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