scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY

2019 ◽  
pp. 64-75
Author(s):  
Goncharenko A.V.
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
White House ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the

The Foreign Policy of the USA Towards the PRC During Gerald Ford Presidency: 1974-1977

2019 ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Anatoliy V. Goncharenko ◽  
Lybov G. Polyakova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
White House ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa

The article researches the US foreign policy towards the PRC during Gerald Ford presidency in 1974-1977. It describes the reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of the US foreign policy strategy in the Chinese direction during the investigated period. There was explored the practical realization of the “Pacific Doctrine”by Washington. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the question of the formation of the Chinese White House policy has been analyzed. The specific foreign policy actions of the administration of the US president Gerald Fordon the PRC in 1974-1977 are analyzed. The chief results of the foreign policy of the administration of the President of the United States Gerald Ford (1974-1977) concerning the PRC, which resulted from the real political steps taken by the leaders of both countries, was the establishment of systematic and reliable channels of bilateral ties, expansion of economic, scientific and cultural contacts, the beginning of a systematic exchange of views on the most important issues of international relations. In the second half of the 70’s of the twentieth century this dialogue ensured the continuity of China’s policy in Washington, which was based on the concept of a “balance of power”, while China played a complementary role in the foreign policy strategy of the White House. These factors formed the “Pacific Doctrine” of G. Ford, which gave Beijing the status of an American partner in maintaining a balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region and consolidated a positive assessment of the place and role of the People’s Republic of China in Asian politics in the United States of America. The return of American political thought to the ideas of the combination policy occurred in the formation of US-Soviet strategic parity and awareness of the ruling circles in the United States, due to the defeat in Vietnam, the limited resources of force influence on the international situation. Started in the United States the study of China’s behavior in the international arena and its power parameters made it possible then to draw a preliminary conclusion that the People’s Republic of China can fill the place of the missing link in the “triangle” of the global scheme – a place of counterweight to the USSR; this required the removal of a US-Chinese confrontation. However, the socio-political and ideological contradictions that were pushed to the foreground on the initial stage of the Chinese policy of the administration of G. Ford and the process of normalization of bilateral relations, again made themselves felt at a later stage. Their injection was promoted by the logic of the development of bilateral US-China relations, as well as by a number of internal objective and subjective reasons, as in the People’s Republic of China (a sharp increase in the struggle for power connected with the illness and death of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong), and in the United States (Gerald Ford made certain curtseys towards the American right-wing conservative forces and began to intensify approaches to Beijing and Moscow, and also the presidential campaign of 1976). Keywords: the USA, PRC, China, foreign policy, American-Chinese relations, “Pacific Doctrine”, Gerald Ford, Henry Kissinger , Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping.

THE ACTIVITIES OF THE USA AND CHINA IN THE REGIONS OF THE WORLD, AFFECTING THE REALIZATION OF RUSSIA'S INTERESTS. Part 1: country interests and activities

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.

scholarly journals Ukraine in the Focus of US Foreign Policy Priorities

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-79
Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Radical Transformation

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.

scholarly journals The world public opinion towards the American foreign policy of presidents of the United States of North America in the years 2001–2016

2021 ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Przemysław Potocki
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation’s public opinion about the USA.

scholarly journals THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (2) ◽  
pp. 81-93
Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
North American ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.

STATE, TRENDS, AND STRUCTURE OF THE WORLD NANO-POWDER MARKET

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malyshev ◽  
Kushchevska ◽  
Bruskova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Titanium Dioxide ◽  
Metal Oxide ◽  
Tin Oxide ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Market ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World

The purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the global nanopowder market. Materials and methods. The study used such research methods as system-logical method, method of statistical generalization, comparative and factor analysis. Research results. It is known that nanopowders are obtained by chemical, physical, physico-chemical and mechanical methods. One of the major problems in the production of nanopowders is the tendency of nanoparticles to form aggregates and agglomerates that complicate the production of compact materials. To overcome the forces of agglomeration, a mechanical force or an increase in the sintering temperature must be applied. According to estimates from the consulting company Lux Research, in 2012, the nanotechnology market was $ 190.3 billion. Its annual growth is 15-17%. The world market leaders are the United States ($ 59 billion), Europe ($ 47 billion) and the Asia Pacific region ($ 9.4 billion). The US is the leader in both the commercial market and the number of publications (about 25,000 in 2015) and patents in nanotechnology (45% of patents). Following the results of 2015, more than $1.4 trillion worth of nanotechnology products were manufactured. In the structure of production of nanoproducts the chemical industry, scientific researches (intermediary products, as a rule, not serial) and electronics are leading. Global investments in nanotechnology in 2015 totaled $ 18.1 billion. This indicator increased by 18% compared to 2013. Corporate investments ($ 8.6 billion) became the main source of financing (public - only $ 8.3 billion). The leaders in terms of public investment are the US and the EU. Experts estimate that, by 2020, investment leadership may shift to Japan. Today, the leader in the nanomaterials market is the United States with a projected revenue level of 2018 of $ 1.46 billion. The main products on the world market for nanopowders are metal oxide powders. In the product group of metal oxides 4/5 the production volume accounts for the three most common types of raw materials: silica (SiO2), titanium dioxide (TiO2) and alumina (Al2O3). At the same time, silica occupies more than half of all production, alumina - 18% and titanium dioxide - 10%. The most available oxides are oxides of iron, zinc, cerium, zirconium, cuprum, magnesium, yttrium. The most complex oxides and mixtures are: tin oxide, barium titanate, cobalt carbide, silicon nitride and indium tin oxide. An analysis of the patents presented for nanopowder research has shown that the most promising area of ​​scientific development is aluminum and precious metal nanopowders. Conclusions. Analysis of the world nanopowder market makes it possible to identify the following indicators that characterize its development: the common problem in the nanomaterials market is high cost of production, low volume of production and accessibility for the end consumer; the most developed nanopowder markets: USA, Europe and Asia-Pacific; projected growth rates during 2015-2020 The three largest components of the nanomaterials market: energy, production of catalysts, structural materials - 60%, 13% and 30% respectively; production of metal oxide products prevails in the world market of nanopowders; the most common types of raw materials: silica) - more than half of all production, titanium dioxide - 10% and alumina - 18%.

China’s Relations with the United States

2020 ◽  
pp. 211-232
Author(s):  
Robert Sutter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government

This chapter reviews Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and People’s Republic of China (PRC) interactions with the United States since the 1940s, and it reveals a general pattern of the United States at the very top of China’s foreign priorities. Among those few instances where China seemed to give less attention to the United States was the post-2010 period, which saw an ever more powerful China advancing at US expense. However, China’s rapid advance in economic, military, and diplomatic power has progressively alarmed the US government, which now sees China as its main international danger. Looking forward into the future, deteriorating US-China relations have enormous consequences for both countries, the Asia-Pacific region, and the world.

scholarly journals Geopolitical and regional considerations: US, China and, Russia: partners or competitors?

2021 ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Political Economic

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.

scholarly journals The Gulf War (1990–1991) and new foreign political concept of George Herbert Walker Bush

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Dmitrii N. Khristenko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
George Herbert ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The World

The article examines the foreign policy concept of the «new world order» of George Herbert Walker Bush, which he put forward during the Gulf War (1990-1991). Despite its short duration, the Middle East conflict has become a symbol of the transformation of international relations initiated by the crisis of the bipolar system and arising of the United States as the main military and political world power. Consequently, Washington sought to rethink its role in the world arena. This task was intended to solve by the concept of a «new world order». The main sources for this article were the memoirs of the former American president and James Addison Baker III (U.S. Secretary of State), documents of White House’ administration, as well as publications of «Foreign Affairs» – the most influential journal on international relations in the United States. The research methodology includes the space-time analysis of Fernand Paul Achille Braudel, historical-descriptive and historical-genetic methods. It is noted that the foreign policy concept of a «new world order» was in the centre of public attention and caused a heated discussion in the United States, as a result of which was rejected its main element – reliance on allies and the rule of international law. The attempts of Russian diplomacy to propose a corrected interpretation of the concept of a «new world order» did not meet the understanding overseas. Washington took a course towards sole leadership in the world that triggered the deterioration of the state of affairs in the world arena in the long term.

scholarly journals Priorities and Implementation of US Foreign Policy by the D. Trump Administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-520
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Culture ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Policy Ideas ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trump Administration

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the foreign policy presidency of D. Trump. Based on the approach of neorealism theory to the analysis of foreign policy, it is pointed to the significance of four variables in implementing foreign policy: the peculiarities of the perception by the heads of foreign policy, the strategic culture of the United States, the relations between the state and the society, and the role of domestic state institutions. The author concludes that the Trump administration eliminated a number of obstacles to unilateral foreign policy, putting America first. Trump and his administration were able to coined and launch a significant number of political initiatives that were contrary to the established priorities of the US foreign policy, but not all of the declared intentions had been implemented. However, this does not mean that the administration of Joe Baden will radically revise the main foreign policy ideas of the previous administration.

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