Catholicity Without Leviathan: Stanley Hauerwas's Perspective on the Church as an Alternative Political Community

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Ionut Untea

AbstractThe article brings into focus a series of political arguments of Stanley Hauerwas's “theological politics” and argues that these arguments are in stark contrast with the theoretical perspective of a political rule by a god-like Leviathan, an image inherited in modern and contemporary political culture from the early modern English philosopher Thomas Hobbes. The first section focuses on Hauerwas's arguments regarding the political potential of the term “Catholicity” to represent an alternative to the coercive politics reinforced by the post-Enlightenment nation state. The second section proposes a reflection on the way the Church's Catholicity may be expressed politically without falling into the temptation of involving the Leviathan to sort out the issues generated by its diversity. The concluding section illustrates how Hauerwas uses his approach of a universal unity of Christians “without Leviathan” in his exhortation addressed to American Christians to say “no” to Donald Trump's version of communal unity that is rather based on “total allegiance” to the United States and on “repressive politics”.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.


Author(s):  
Emily C. Nacol

This chapter begins with Thomas Hobbes' intertwined theories of knowledge and politics, as they emerged from his experience of a violent civil war and fierce struggles over epistemological and political authority. Hobbes provokes an early modern engagement with the concept of risk in politics by positing uncertainty as the main problem that political theory and political order are meant to solve. For Hobbes, uncertainty is the root cause of violence and insecurity, and thus it becomes a target for elimination when he begins to think about how to construct a safe political community. The chapter reconstructs Hobbes' commitment to a science of politics modeled on geometry, emphasizing its certain character by contrasting it with other ways of knowing about politics that are more experiential, such as prudence.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell

The introduction considers the place of the spoken word in Russian history, presenting a pre-history of rhetoric and oratory in Russia before the 1860s. Examples are drawn from sermons, literature, theatre, and the universities, as well as from the political practice of Russia’s rulers. The introduction goes on to explain the significance of public speaking in Russia’s ‘stenographic age’, highlighting the challenges of modern mass politics and communications. It further offers comparisons between Russian political culture and the political culture of Britain, Germany, and the United States, paying particular attention to the place of oratory in the political imagination. It concludes by outlining the structure and rationale of the book.


1979 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Morgan

Some four hundred years ago this month Stephen Limbert, master of Norwich School, stood before the gates of the Great Hospital and addressed his well-turned Latin phrases to an audience almost as eminent as that gathered here today. Elizabeth I and her mobile summer court were on progress, and Norwich, the second city of the kingdom and capital of a region that was both the agricultural and manufacturing heartland of England, was determined to impress its monarch with both its loyalty to the Tudor dynasty and its contribution to the common weal—so it hired an impecunious London hack, sometime soldier and court hanger-on, Thomas Churchyard, to write the script. In part, at least, this no doubt accounts for the frequently reiterated commonplaces of Elizabethan propaganda embodied in such of those pageants and speeches as survived the intermittent downpours that sent both Her Majesty and her municipal hosts scurrying for cover on more than one occasion during her visit. Neither did Master Limbert's disquisition differ in its enthusiasm for Elizabethan rule from those of his metropolitan confrère. ‘It is reported’, he told Her Majesty, ‘that Aegypte is watered with the yerely overflowing of the Nilus, and Lydia with the golden streame of Pactolus, whyche thing is thought to be the cause of the greate fertilytye of these countries: but uppon us, and farther, over all Englande, even into the uttermoste borders, many and maine rivers of godlynesse, justice and humilitie, and other inumerable good things … do most plentifully gush out … from that continuall and most aboundaunt welspring of your goodnesse … With what prayses shall wee extoll, with what magnificent wordes shall we expresse, that notable mercie of your Highnesse, most renowned Queene’, sentiments that earned the former Norwich schoolmaster the Queen's invitation to kiss her ungloved hands, and sentiments that direct our attention to the symbols and image-creating aspects of the political culture of renaissance England.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALAN WARE

This article examines critically an explanation, first propounded by Austin Ranney, as to the causes of party reform in the United States. Ranney argued that there is an ambivalent attitude to parties in the United States; while there is evidence of popular support for parties, the political culture is also infused by anti-party values. Periodically this has facilitated the enactment of legislation, promoted by anti-party reformers, constraining parties. Focusing on the Australian Ballot, the article argues that its rapid adoption in the United States resulted from its seeming to solve problems facing party elites in the 1880s – problems that arose from the erosion of a face-to-face society. Despite opposition from anti-party reformers, parties in most states legislated for types of ballot that preserved party control of the electorate. Moreover, during the Progressive era the parties generally continued to preserve a type of ballot that favoured them. The ability of parties to defend their interests against anti-party reformers was possible when it was clear where those interests lay. With other reforms, including the direct primary, this was much less evident, and it was then far more difficult for the parties to defend themselves.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-135
Author(s):  
Ad de Bruijne

RésuméLes chrétiens ont souvent fait face à des tensions entre leur identité chrétienne et leur statut de citoyens d’une démocratie. Ces tensions constituent une forme particulière de l’inévitable problème fondamental que rencontrent les chrétiens dans toute société au sein de laquelle ils vivent. À la suite de Saint Augustin, on peut exprimer cela en terme de la difficulté à articuler la double appartenance, à la cité de Dieu d’une part et à la « cité des hommes » de l’autre. En dépit de ces tensions, et en vertu de la providence divine, la participation des chrétiens peut aussi contribuer à des bénédictions temporaires pour la société à laquelle ils appartiennent. L’histoire du monde occidental en fournit bien des exemples, dont fait partie l’émergence même des démocraties. Dans le contexte postchrétien actuel, ces fruits historiques de l’influence chrétienne sont souvent dissociés de leurs racines et deviennent par conséquent instables, ou sont contrecarrés par des difficultés, voire des impasses. Ayant conservé leurs racines, les chrétiens peuvent souvent clarifier les choses et proposer des solutions. La contribution chrétienne peut s’avérer fructueuse, par exemple dans le contexte contemporain de l’opposition entre la version libérale de la démocratie de l’Europe occidentale et la version non libérale de l’Europe de l’Est. L’auteur conclut en mentionnant cinq points devant retenir l’attention concernant la participation de chrétiens à la vie d’une démocratie : il s’agit de rester attaché à l’Église qui constitue la communauté politique du Royaume à venir, de considérer l’identification à un organe politique terrestre comme demeurant secondaire, de promouvoir des activités au bénéfice de la société depuis le sein de l’Église, de tenir compte du fait que les objectifs moraux dans le contexte de la société doivent être différents de ceux que l’on adopte dans le contexte de l’Église, et de demeurer fidèle à un style de vie prophétique par la parole et les actes.SummaryChristians have traditionally experienced tensions between their Christian identity and their citizenship in a democracy. This tension is a special variant of the inevitable underlying classical challenge for Christians in all societies where they live. Following Augustine, this can be expressed as the challenge to combine the dual citizenships of the city of God and the ‘city of man’. Despite such tensions, under God’s providence the participation of Christians can also lead to temporary blessings for their societies. Western history provides many examples of this, the development of democracy being one of them. In the current post-Christian context these historical fruits of Christian influence have often become detached from their roots and therefore become unstable or burdened by difficulties and even deadlocks. Being still connected to that root, Christians can often provide clarification and contribute to solutions. This Christian contribution can be made fruitful, for example, in the contemporary clash between Western European liberal and Eastern European illiberal versions of democracy. The article concludes with five points of attention for Christian participation in a democracy: staying anchored in the Church as the political community of the future kingdom, considering earthly political identifications as secondary, developing public grass roots activities from within the Church, realising that moral aims in the context of society have to be different from those in the context of the Church, and remaining faithful to a prophetic lifestyle in word and deed.ZusammenfassungChristen erleben für gewöhnlich Spannungen zwischen ihrer Identität als Christ und als Staatsbürger in einer Demokratie. Diese Spannung stellt eine besondere Variante der unvermeidlichen klassischen Herausforderung dar, der Christen in jeglicher Gesellschaftsform begegnen. Gemäß Augustinus mag sich dies in der Schwierigkeit ausdrücken, die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in der ,,Stadt Gottes“ und der ,,Stadt der Menschen“ miteinander zu vereinen. Trotz derartiger Spannungen kann durch die Vorsehung Gottes auch der Einfluss von Christen zu vorübergehenden Segnungen für ihre Gesellschaft führen. Die westliche Geschichte liefert viele Beispiele hierfür, und die Entwicklung der Demokratie ist nur eines davon. Im gegenwärtigen nachchristlichen Kontext haben sich diese historisch gewachsenen Ergebnisse christlichen Einflusses häufig von ihren Wurzeln gelöst und wurden daher unstabil oder von Schwierigkeiten und sogar Blockaden überfrachtet. Solange Christen immer noch mit diesen Wurzeln verbunden sind, sind sie oftmals in der Lage, für eine Klärung von Situationen zu sorgen und zu Lösungen beizutragen. Dieser christliche Einfluss kann zum Beispiel im gegenwärtigen Konflikt zwischen liberalen westeuropäischen und illiberalen osteuropäischen Formen von Demokratie genutzt werden. Der Artikel schließt mit fünf Punkten, die für den Beitrag von Christen in einer Demokratie zu berücksichtigen sind: Christen bleiben in der Gemeinde als der politischen Gemeinschaft des künftigen Reiches Gottes verhaftet, säkulare politische Zuordnungen werden als sekundär betrachtet, öffentliche Basisaktivitäten werden aus der Gemeinde heraus entwickelt, in der Einsicht, dass sich ethische Zielsetzungen im gesellschaftlichen Kontext von jenen im Gemeindekontext unterscheiden müssen und unter der Voraussetzung, dass Christen einem prophetischen Lebensstil in Wort und Tat treu bleiben.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 903-923
Author(s):  
CHERYL HUDSON

The exceptional character of the United States' political culture has been and continues to be hotly contested. In the late nineteenth century, commentators framed radical ideologies as “un-American” and they subsequently entered the political lexicon as alien to American ideals and values. However, far less scholarly attention has been given to alternative definitions of “un-American” activity that emerged in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the charges made by contemporaries against the “un-American” town of Pullman and of George Pullman's patronage of his town and its workers. Through a close reading of Addams's critique of Pullman as “A Modern Lear” as well as other narratives and counternarratives contained within contemporary speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper and journal articles, this essay will demonstrate the flexible nature of the charge of “un-Americanism” in the crisis years of the 1890s. In that decade, the character of the modern nation was still highly contested and although the conservative, anti-union view won the immediate Pullman battle, it did not do so without a fight and it did not ultimately succeed in defining the character of the modern nation.


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