Political disagreement and vote volatility: the role of familism across different European countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-317
Author(s):  
Moreno Mancosu ◽  
David N. Hopmann

AbstractInterpersonal influence shapes political behavior and attitudes. So far, however, little efforts have been devoted to testing this mechanism comparatively in Europe. This paper aims at explaining differences in influence patterns in three European countries (Italy, Germany, and the UK). Based on works in demography, we argue that in Mediterranean cultures (characterized by high degrees of familism), people are more prone to be affected by attitudes and behaviors of their relatives with respect to other strong ties (e.g., spouses), while in continental, northern Europe, and the UK, this effect is less important. We test this argument using longitudinal data. Consistent with expectations, results show that the influence of relatives in familistic contexts is stronger than in non-familistic ones. At the same time, the spouse effect (namely, the effect of an intimate, non-relative discussant) is particularly strong in non-familistic contexts (and vice versa). In sum, we demonstrate that public opinion studies can be strengthened by theories developed in other social sciences, such as demography.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110001
Author(s):  
Diego Garzia ◽  
Frederico Ferreira da Silva

Recent developments in Western societies have motivated a growing consideration of the role of negativity in public opinion and political behavior research. In this article, we review the scant (and largely disconnected) scientific literature on negativity and political behavior, merging contributions from social psychology, public opinion, and electoral research, with a view on developing an integrated theoretical framework for the study of negative voting in contemporary democracies. We highlight that the tendency toward negative voting is driven by three partly overlapping components, namely, (1) an instrumental–rational component characterized by retrospective performance evaluations and rationalization mechanisms, (2) an ideological component grounded on long-lasting political identities, and (3) an affective component, motivated by (negative) attitudes toward parties and candidates. By blueprinting the systematic relationships between negative voting and each of these components in turn, and suggesting multiple research paths, this article aims to stimulate future studies on negative voting in multi-party parliamentary systems to motivate a better understanding of the implications of negativity in voting behavior in contemporary democracies.



The Lancet ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 394 ◽  
pp. S28
Author(s):  
Heather Brown ◽  
Luke Munford ◽  
Anna Wilding ◽  
Tomos Robinson ◽  
Paula Holland ◽  
...  


10.5912/jcb92 ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernhard Zechendorf

For more than 20 years, all major European governments have put biotechnology as a priority on their innovation policy agendas. How did each of the three big countries – France, the UK and Germany – manage their biotechnology policy, and what results have they achieved? A project funded by the European Commission tried to find out by assessing, over the period 1994–2001, the development of the knowledge base, patent activities, technology transfer measures, regulatory policy, industry promotion measure and public opinion. By adding data from other sources, the author presents a dynamic picture of each country's policy and development up to 2003.



2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
P Hobson-West


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zoë James

This article sets out how a critical hate studies perspective can explain and illuminate the hate harms experienced by Gypsies and Travellers in the UK. In doing so, it directly responds to the question of how criminological theory can move beyond existing debates in studies of race and ethnicity and engage more effectively with the wider social sciences. The critical hate studies perspective provides a comprehensive theoretical approach to appreciating the harms of hate in late modernity. This framework challenges existing explanations for bias-motivated violence in society and proposes an approach that acknowledges the overarching role of neoliberal capitalism on individual subjectivity and subsequently the lived experience. By utilising this perspective, it is possible here to discuss the range and depth of hate experienced by Gypsies and Travellers and thus consider its genesis and the potential for positive praxis.



2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 360-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Lockwood

Abstract From the late 1950s, Conservative research and policy thinkers underwent a conscious intellectual adjustment, which had profound implications for how the party conceived the relationship between politicians and the public during Edward Heath’s period as Conservative leader after 1965. In response to contemporaneous debates regarding ‘modernization’, and as a result of their engagement with the emergent social sciences, a new generation of Conservatives tended to repudiate the party’s traditional preference for idealist and organicist philosophical assumptions in favour of a rationalistic approach to political administration. Their preoccupation with economic management was concomitant of their loss of faith in the formative role of rhetorical and moral appeals in shaping public opinion. This article, by focusing on debates within the party’s research and political apparatus—the Conservative Research Department, the Conservative Political Centre and Swinton College—will contend that, far from being the last gasp of a post-war consensual Conservatism, Heath’s period as leader marked a relatively unique period in the party’s history, in which the conception of the nature of political leadership held by those at the top of the party differed from the conception held by both their predecessors and successors.



2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arjen Van Witteloostuijn

The European Union (EU) has suffered from fall-out recently. Clear cases in point were the anti-EU outcomes of the referenda in France and the Netherlands, as well as the messy process in response to the Euro crisis. More broadly, recent elections in many European countries have resulted in winning parties that advertise an explicit anti-EU sentiment, often linked to an equally explicit anti-immigrant stance. Apparently, in the eyes of many, the EU is not delivering – quite to the contrary. In this essay, insights from a variety of social sciences will be reviewed that may shed light on this issue, with a focus on the role of a multidimensional conception of diversity.



2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca J. Hannagan ◽  
Peter K. Hatemi

In his essay, “Genes and Ideologies,” Evan Charney wrangles with the question of the role of genes in the formation of political attitudes via a critique of Alford, Funk, and Hibbing's 2005 American Political Science Review article. Although critical evaluations are necessary, his essay falls short of what is required of a scientific critique on both empirical and theoretical grounds. We offer a comment on his essay and further contend that it is naïve to proceed on the assumption that a barrier exists between the biological and social sciences, such that the biological sciences have nothing to offer the social sciences. If we look beyond our discipline's current theoretical models we may find a more thorough, and not just competing, explanation of political behavior.



2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110462
Author(s):  
Neeraj Kaushal ◽  
Yao Lu ◽  
Robert Y. Shapiro ◽  
Jennifer So

We investigate how support for President Donald Trump, beyond partisanship, guided Americans’ attitudes toward COVID-19. This speaks to not just how “Trumpism” and the Trump administration’s handling of the pandemic influenced public attitudes but to the larger issue of how Trump’s hold on voters within and beyond the Republican Party provides further evidence that leaders surpass the role of parties in influencing public opinion. Using longitudinal data with individual fixed-effects, we find that from the start of the pandemic, support for Trump above and beyond partisanship drove public attitudes capturing skepticism toward COVID-19, fears of personal vulnerability, compliance with public-safety measures, and viewing the pandemic in racist terms. Between March and August 2020, this gulf in attitudes between Trump voters and non-supporters, and between Republicans and Democrats, widened; the widening was more pronounced between Trump voters and non-supporters. Trump’s influence on Independents and non-voters also grew over the same period. While the use of terms like “China virus” was related to partisanship and support for Trump, we find an increase in awareness across groups that these terms were racist.



2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 115-145
Author(s):  
Hasan Bakhshi ◽  
Jonathan Breckon ◽  
Ruth Puttick

Despite much discussion and debate, research and development (R&D) is still often considered as the domain of hard science and technology. Furthermore, it is not commonly known by industry and policymakers that the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development�s (OECD) Frascati Manual � the internationally accepted methodology for collecting and reporting data on R&D � formally recognises the arts, humanities and social sciences (AHSS) in R&D. The UK collects data on R&D using the Frascati Manual definition. However, arguably, what matters for the UK is how R&D is defined for policy purposes. For example, the UK tax authorities choose to explicitly exclude AHSS R&D from their definitions for the purpose of tax relief. This paper explores the role of AHSS R&D in UK business. Drawing upon a review of the policy literature and interviews with 13 businesses that undertake AHSS research, and an additional 14 interviews with policymakers and other stakeholders, the paper presents recommendations for government, funders and business, and it concludes that more inclusive definitions and data are important for evidence-informed policy. Without the right definitions and tools to measure it and effective policies in place to support it, the Government risks ignoring the full value of R&D in the UK economy, and missing out on incentivising investment in innovation in AHSS-related sectors and activities.



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