Going in circles? The influence of the electoral cycle on the party behaviour in parliament

Author(s):  
Jan Schwalbach

Abstract Most analyses dealing with the interaction of parties in parliament assume their interests to be fixed between elections. However, a rational perspective suggests that parties adapt their behaviour throughout the legislative term. I argue that this change is influenced by incentives and possibilities to shape legislation and the need to distinguish oneself from competitors. While for government parties it matters whether they have to share offices, for opposition parties the influence on policy-making is important. By examining the sentiment of all parliamentary speeches on bill proposals from six established democracies over more than twenty years, I analyse institutional and contextual effects. The results show that single-party governments tend to become more positive towards the end of the legislative cycle compared to coalition governments. On the other hand, opposition parties under minority governments, or with more institutionalised influence on government bills, show a more negative trend in comparison to their counterparts.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-157
Author(s):  
Sunarto Sunarto

Amendment of the 1945 Constitution brought significant shifting on the Indonesian government. Before amendment, the government was dominated by the enormous power of President (executive heavy). The amendment strengthens the DPR’s power realizing the checks and balances between DPR and President. The amendment of the 1945 Constitution also brought the purification of presidential system. These two things make the dynamics of relationship between the DPR and the President. In post amendments, the government is characterized by an increasing controlling function of DPR. But the combination of presidential system and the multi-party still brings problem related to government instability. Relationship between the DPR and the President was strongly influenced by the presence of opposition parties, which in the previous was regarded as “a taboo” in Indonesian democracy. On the other hand, the elected president also became a strong magnet to get the support of political parties in DPR. Therefore, certain parties that previously became the government’s opposition crossed and supported government. Thus, the presumption that the elected President would find difficulties in implementing his policies because of the lack of support in the DPR was not proven.


Author(s):  
Eva Vivalt

I argue that a big issue facing all academic studies is whether and how to leverage decision-makers’ priors in study design. Both RCTs and non-RCTs could more efficiently inform policy-making if priors were taken into consideration. Non-RCTs can exploit deterministic assignment to maximize the information value of the study. On the other hand, non-RCTs also appear more subject to specification searching, which should lead to decision-makers being more uncertain about how to interpret a study’s results and consequentially perhaps being more convinced by evidence from RCTs and willing to experiment more with leveraging prior beliefs. I discuss these issues and explore the potential value of information benefits to using priors in study design by simulation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raimondas Ibenskas

While pre-electoral coalitions have important effects on the functioning of democracy, their formation has only been systematically examined in the context of established democracies. This study examines the patterns and factors of electoral alliance formation in eleven democracies in Central and Eastern Europe by focusing on joint candidate lists. It finds that electoral coalitions are more frequent in newer democracies than in established democracies. The formation of alliances is systematically related to their potential costs and benefits. On the one hand, coalitions can provide small parties with legislative representation and larger parties with important government coalition partners. On the other hand, parties face costs related to their electoral compatibility and the sharing of election candidacies and office positions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 46-49
Author(s):  
K.A. Sinkin ◽  
D.A. Emelyanova

The article is devoted to the problem of the interaction between law and morality and especially whenlaw influences on morality. The influence of law on morality has two opposite sides. On the one hand, lawdefenses morality but on the other hand, law alters morality. The author of the article marks that suchalteration has negative trend according to which law approves immoral behavior as conformist or marginal.On the basis of analysis of certain legal rules and historical examples the author shows different possibilitiesof the interaction between law and morality and especially the influence of law on morality. There is aconclusion in the article according to which it is highly important to form legal system of Russia based onmorality.


2014 ◽  
pp. 118-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Barsukova ◽  
A. Ledeneva

The article compares two approaches to the analysis of corruption: the global corruption paradigm — a downstream view on corruption promoted by international organisations and policy makers, the socalled outsiders, and the analysis of informal practices — an upstream, or bottom-up, perspective of insiders, which contextualises motives and meaning of corrupt practices. The global corruption paradigm rests on the premises that corruption can be defined, measured and controlled. Since the 1990s, data on corruption have been systematically collected and monitored, yet there has been little progress in combatting the phenomenon across the globe. Success cases are rare, and policy makers are increasingly dis-satisfied with existing indicators and approaches to anti-corruption policies. On the one hand, the paper articulates the critique of assumptions, preconceptions and methodology implicit in the prevailing corruption paradigm. We question the cultural and historical neutrality of the definition of corruption, problems with its measurement, and implications for policy-making. On the other hand, the paper argues for the ‘disaggregation’ of the corruption paradigm and the necessity to integrate local knowledge and insiders’ perspectives into corruption studies. The combination of the two approaches will provide for more effective ways of tackling the challenges of corruption, especially in endemically corrupt systems.


Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-649
Author(s):  
Benny Geys

A significant international literature has shown that political fragmentation the existence of multiple parties in a governing body - affects policy-making. Indeed, an increase in the number of parties increases the number of viewpoints considered, but on the other hand may also lead to a decrease in government flexibility. This paper first of all shows that Flemish municipalities often have fragmented governments as measured by the number of parties represented in the municipal council and the College of Mayor and Alderman. We also show that this fragmentation at the local level affects policy-making, though not necessarily in the same directions found in the international literature.


2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-339
Author(s):  
Steven R. Reed

The results of the 2000 general election can be interpreted in two contradictory ways. On the one hand, the coalition won a comfortable majority with 271 seats to the combined opposition total of 188. On the other hand, the coalition lost 64 seats while the opposition parties gained 35. Though either side could thus claim victory, it was clear from the expressions on the faces of the party leaders that the coalition had lost the election and the opposition had won. This result means, first, that the LDP's strategy of allying itself with Koumei, a religious party based on a particular Buddhist sect, has been called into question by both coalition partners and, second, that the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has been confirmed as the primary alternative to the LDP.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Burgess

This article critically reflects upon the introduction of behavioural, ‘nudging’ approaches into UK policy making, the latest in a series of regulatory innovations. Initiatives have focused particularly upon correcting lifestyle risk behaviours, marking a significant continuity with previous ‘nannying’ policy. On the other hand, nudging represents a departure, even inversion of previous approaches that involved the overstating of risk, being based partly upon establishing a norm that bad behaviours are less, rather than more common than supposed. Despite substantive similarities, its attraction lies in the reaction against the former approach but must also be understood in the context of the economic crisis and a diminished sense of liberty and autonomy that makes intimate managerial intervention seem unproblematic. Problems are, in fact, substantial, as nudging is caught between the utility of unconscious disguised direction and the need to allow some transparency, thereby choice. Further, it assumes clear, fixed ‘better outcomes’ but encourages no development of capacity to manage problems, contradicting a wider policy intent to build a more responsible and active citizenry. More practically, nudging faces considerable barriers to becoming a successfully implemented programme, in the context of severe, Conservativeled austerity with which it is now associated.


2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hernán F. Gómez Bruera

AbstractThis article shows how and why the initial attempts of the Lula administration in Brazil to promote innovative counterhegemonic participatory strategies, such as those put in place by the PT in some of its subnational governments, fell by the wayside. It is argued that the implementation and scope of participatory initiatives under Lula were caught between electoral motivations and the need to secure governability. On the one hand, the need to produce quick results in order to maximize vote-seeking strategies hindered attempts to promote counterhegemonic participation, while Lula and his inner circle opted for policies that would score immediate marks with the poorest sectors or influence public opinion. On the other hand, participation also took a back seat because the PT concentrated most of its energies on reaching agreements with strategic actors, such as opposition parties or powerful economic groups.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-332
Author(s):  
Agung Rifqi Pratama

The focus of this article, using a juridical normatif and philosophical approach, is in tracking how Article 33 of the Indonesian Constitution is understood and how the Pancasila economic system (based on the five tenets of the State’s ideology) is being implemented by a number of exisitng economic policies. While the Article should be regarded as the embedodiment of Indonesian economic policy, it cannot be denied that the understanding of  it evolved and changed following the 4thamendment to the Constitution. It is observed that the 4thamendment to the 1945 Constitution have had a great impact on the direction taken by the Indonesian economic policy makers.  In using a juridical normative approach we are forced to take the position that Pancasila economic system as found in the Constitution should be followed by the letter in real economic policy making. On the other hand, just to do that, we cannot but realize the need for the existence of government political will.


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