Pretrial publicity: The media, the law, and common sense.

1997 ◽  
Vol 3 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 428-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina A. Studebaker ◽  
Steven D. Penrod
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Pretrial Publicity ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law

Opposition weakness will help Polish ruling coalition

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Party Control ◽  
State Of The Economy ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
Law And Justice

Significance At the beginning of 2021, the ZP coalition of the Law and Justice (PiS), Accord and United Poland (SP) parties is stable, but not as strong as it has been in previous years. This weakening in the PiS-led government’s condition is due to many factors, among which the coronavirus pandemic is one of the most important. Impacts The process will continue of subordinating any independent state institutions still left to party control. PiS will take further, similar steps regarding the media, academia and NGOs. After months of pandemic lockdown, the state of the economy is stable if not ideal, and will not lead to early elections.

COVID-19 și posibilele apărări în dreptul internațional: ar putea forța majoră și schimbarea fundamentetnală a circumstanțelor să justifice neexecutarea obligațiilor internaționale?

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2020) ◽  
pp. 186-202
Author(s):  
Ion GÂLEA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Law ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Fundamental Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
Force Majeure ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
International Responsibility ◽  
The Law

The study examines possible defences that States could invoke in order to justify or excuse measures designed to respond to the COVID-19 crisis, which prima facie might not be in conformity with certain international obligations. The study examines only defences available in general international law – beside certain exceptions that might be provided by the clauses of the respective treaties. Two grounds for suspending international obligations, stemming from the law of treaties – impossibility of performance and rebus sic stantibus – and three circumstances precluding wrongfulness, stemming from the law of international responsibility – force majeure, distress and state of necessity – are subject to examination. The study argues that, even if “common sense” might draw the public opinion towards the plausibility of invoking force majeure, impossibility of performance or fundamental change of circumstances, such a conclusion does not reflect general international law. In reality, the “best candidate” as a justification or excuse is distress, while the “second best candidate” might be represented by the state of necessity.

scholarly journals URGENSI IMPELEMENTASI MANAJEMEN BERBASIS SEKOLAH DALAM MENANAMKAN NILAI-NILAI KARAKTER DI SEKOLAH

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 744-760
Author(s):  
ABDULLAH K
Keyword(s):  
Character Education ◽  
Deviant Behavior ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Drug Addicts ◽  
School Based ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
School Based Management

Abstract: Many students' behaviors that are not in accordance with the noble values of the nation, for example, attitudes only selfish, breaking the law, deviant behavior among students and students who tend to increase, even brawl in congregation, bullying, acts of immorality, fornography, drug addicts, cheating, plagiarism and liquor became the hot news adorning the media all the time. so that it becomes the talk of various parties who show concern for the importance of improving the character of students. It seems to have lost the character that has been built for centuries, such as friendliness, social solidarity and helpfulness. Educational institutions are considered not optimal in shaping the personality of students, thus inspiring the emergence of a commitment to boost character education in an integrated and tiered manner, which requires school-based management in its implementation. Keywords: School based management, building up character value.

scholarly journals Discussion on the Law of Hidden Interview and News Tort in the Context of Integration Media

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Junmiao Shi
Keyword(s):  
Legal Issues ◽  
Privacy Rights ◽  
Interview Methods ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
Hidden Interview ◽  
News Interview

<p>The arrival of the media era has also brought about the diversity and novelty of news interview methods, and the controversial hidden interview is one of the important interview methods. In recent years, more and more journalists use implicit interviews to get the audience's attention, followed by a series of legal issues such as news infringement. Hidden interview as a double-edged sword, if not grasp the "degree" of interview, not only difficult to reveal the truth, often counterproductive, resulting in violations of privacy rights, therefore, how to avoid the hidden interview in the news practice of news infringement has become a problem that every journalist should ponder.</p>

scholarly journals Cohabitation and the Law: Myths, Money and the Media

2011 ◽  
pp. 29-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Barlow ◽  
Carole Burgoyne ◽  
Elizabeth Clery ◽  
Janet Smithson ◽  
Anne Barlow ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
The Media ◽  
The Law

scholarly journals Legal Protection of Female Journalists over Gender Inequality during the Covid-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Vena Lidya Khairunnisa ◽  
Mochammad Ilham Nurrobby
Keyword(s):  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Female Journalists ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Research Type

The purpose of this study was to find out the legal problems experienced by female journalists over gender inequality during the Covid-19 pandemic and to find out the legal protections to overcome these problems. The type of research used is a normative legal research type with an invitation approach and a historical approach. The findings in this paper are, during the Covid-19 pandemic, gender inequality towards female journalists has increased. It is still very rare for people to raise issues related to gender inequality experienced by female journalists. Examples of problems with a gender perspective in the media are the lack of involvement for women in journalism activities, marginalization and subordination positions for women in various fields, legitimacy regarding gender bias, dominating economic and political interests, regulations on media that are not sensitive to gender and between conventional journalism and gender. equality. The government in Indonesia officially adheres to the principle of equality as regulated in Article 27 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which states that all Indonesian citizens are equal before the law. Therefore, journalists must be able to enjoy gender and legal protection for the gender inequality they experience. It is necessary to reconstruct the law, considering that women have the same position as men in terms of their position, rights and obligations so that they have equal opportunities in various fields.

On the question about opposition to the information component aggression of the Russian Federation

2021 ◽  
pp. 59-63
Author(s):  
O. Vasylchenko
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
State Committee ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Law

Ukrainian law guarantees freedom of speech and expression. This is in line with international and regional instruments (Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Declaration of Human Rights) to which Ukraine is a party. Unfortunately, Ukraine is no exception, due to the conflict with the Russian Federation. The Revolution of Dignity of 2014 and the subsequent illegal activities of the neighbouring state (annexation of Crimea, occupation of the territories in the South-East of Ukraine) affected the legislative and regulatory framework of Ukraine regarding freedom of speech and freedom of expression. In order to counter aggression, the state has adopted a number of laws aimed at counteracting foreign interference in broadcasting and ensuring Ukraine’s information sovereignty. The implementation of these laws has been criticized for being seen by NGOs as imposing restrictions on freedom of expression and expression. However, censorship and selfcensorship create another serious restriction on freedom of speech and the press. The Law on Transparency of Mass Media Ownership, adopted in 2015, provides for the disclosure of information on the owners of final beneficiaries (controllers), and in their absence – on all owners and members of a broadcasting organization or service provider. In 2019, Ukraine adopted a law on strengthening the role of the Ukrainian language as the state language, which provides for language quotas for the media. According to the Law on Language, only 10% of total film adaptations can be in a language other than Ukrainian. Ukraine has adopted several laws in the field of information management to counter foreign influence and propaganda. According to the report of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for the period from January 1, 2017 to February 14, 2018, the State Committee banned 30 books published in the Russian Federation. Thus, for the first time faced with the need to wage an “invisible” war on the information front, Ukraine was forced to take seriously the regulation of the media and the market. By imposing a number of restrictions on a product that can shake sovereignty and increase the authority of the aggressor in the eyes of citizens, the legislator, guided by the needs of society, also contributes to the promotion of Ukrainian (for example, by introducing quotas).

Computer Compassings

2020 ◽  
pp. 140-153
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Computer Crime ◽  
Theater Of The Absurd ◽  
Alternative Means ◽  
Criminal Intent ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Web

This chapter explains how not everyone accused of trying to bring down the monarchy—lom jao—ended up charged with lèse-majesté. It explores another case brought under a different law that illustrates similar issues to the Somyot case. The national security provisions of the 2007 Computer Crime Act offer an alternative means of prosecuting the allegedly disloyal, another notch along the treason spectrum. An illustrative example is the case of former broker Katha Pajariyapong, who was accused of making two web-board postings critical of royalty on the web board of Fa Diao Kan, a critical journal that featured on the April 2010 antimonarchy organogram. The Katha case frequently resembled a theater of the absurd: laughable charges, inept lawyers who wanted to quit, bungling prosecution witnesses, and a presiding judge who claimed to be on the side of the defendant before sending him to jail. Yet the consequences of these farcical proceedings were very real: Katha ultimately served a couple of years behind bars for a meaningless “crime” that brought the law into disrepute. The chapter then argues that judges again allowed their misguided understandings concerning how to show loyalty to the monarchy to take precedence over common sense. Katha's alleged actions had no effect on the country's national security, and no criminal intent was demonstrated during the trial.

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